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makes the force of mid dy plain : BH. 424. 21 Mid dy wit da hwiile eodan, bicuomon wit to sumere dene; BH. 458.7 Mid þy he pa gena wæs begeondan sæ wuniende, het Oswio se cynincg gehalgian to bysceope on Eoforwicceastre Ceaddan þone halgan wer. In the latter example, pa gena fulfils the same office.

The spelling mid di is found in Ap. T. 3. 21 Mid þi soðlice antiochus se wælreowa cyningcon þysse wælreownesse þurhwunode, þa wæs apollonius gehaten sum iung man se wæs swiðe welig 7 snotor.

Note 1. In OHG., mit thiu frequently has the meaning of while. I quote examples for comparison: Tatîan 27.2 Uuis gihengig thinemo uuidauuorten sliemo, mit thiu thu bist in uuege mit imo. The Latin runs: dum es in via cum

Tatian 139. 10 Mit diu ir lioht habet, giloubet in lioht, thaz ir liohtes barn sit; Latin: dum lucem habetis.


swa swa.


In Modern English, as is frequently used in the sense of while, but I have noticed swa in OE. only once so employed. The example follows: Chron. 136. 14 7 dydon eall swa hi ær gewuna wäron, hergodon 7 bærndon 7 slogon swa swa hi ferdon.

15 a. 8a giet da.

We have had occasion several times to note the use of an adverb to make clear a time-relation not necessarily connoted by the particle itself; in a few cases da gyt used with da gives it the meaning of while.

I quote all the examples: O. 136. 11 pagiet þa Alexander ham com to Babylonia, þagiet wæs on him se mæsta þurst monnes blodes. This represents an intermediate stage; the da giet in the main clause is correlative to that in the subordinate clause, which, however, still indicates time when.

In the following example, the meaning while seems plain : Dial. 167. 11 7 þa gyt þa hi sæton æt þære mysan 7 betwyh heom þa halgan gespræcu spræcon, seo lætere 7 seo ufore tid þa gyt forý teah, þa seo ylce nunne seo Godes fæmne Benedictes swuter bæd hine 7 þus cwæð; Laws 42. 16 7 þa giet da hie ætgædere wæron, monega hæðena deoda hie to Gode gecerdon. Latin : dum adhuc simul erant. L. 15. 20 7 þa gyt þa he was feorr, his fæder he hyne geseah; L. 24. 6 geþencað hu he spæc wið eow þa gyt þa he wæs on galilea.

15 b. da gen da.

This connective is, of course, closely analogous to that of 15 a, and therefore needs no discussion. I quote the one example : BIH. 165. 17 Uton we þonne, men þa leofestan, gehyran hu swipe loflice Sanctus Johannes wæs mid þæs Halgan Gastes mægemum gefylled, þa [gen] þa he on his modor bosme wunigende wæs.



This conjunction is, according to Sweet?, compounded of the preposition sið and its object in the dative. Others regard dan as being the instrumental in a phrase of comparison. I incline to the latter view; for dem does not become dan until the later period of OE., and we have siddan in the earliest texts. Indeed I have found but one instance of siddam in all OE., and that in a text the language of which is late: Sol. 45. 10 Siddam he þonne þat gelæornod

i Student's Dictionary of Anglo-Saxon.

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hæbbe þæt his eagan nanwyht þæt fyr ne onscyniad, hawie þonne on steorran, &c. But it is difficult to draw a sharp line between preposition and adverb in such cases.

The fact that we never, or very rarely, find the relative with sið-dan, whereas we regularly have it with cefter don or ær don, lends support to the view that the conjunction arose from a phrase of comparison. In this passage the parts are written separately: Chron. 213. 10 Đes geares for barn Lunden burh anre nihte ær assumptio scē Mariæ swa swyde swa heo næfre ær næs syð þan heo gestabeled wæs.

Beside the common spelling siðdan and syddan, I have noted seoddan in BH. and BIH., sieddan in CP., sioddan in Epis., and siodden in Rood. In Lch. and the Hatton MS. of the Gospels sydte or sedde is found, and the Northumbrian Gospels have sidda.

The examples quoted are selected with a view of exhibiting these different spellings, as well as the different usages discussed below. Siddan is used indifferently to express the relations ex quo and postquam.

In most cases it is impossible to distinguish between these different functions, and I have therefore deemed it advisable to include all uses of siðdan under the general class of clauses determining the time of the action of the main clause by reference to a preceding action. The relation ex quo is, in reality, a mere special case of this general class. In a few cases the meaning ex quo is quite clear, thus: 0. 17. 24 Ne mette he ær nan gebun land, sippan he from his agnum ham for. But must often the word will bear the translation after, as well as from the time that, thus: 0. 90.9 Ac sippan hie on Sicilium wunnon, hie eac siþþan betweonum him selfum winnende wäron.

? p. 104.

Wülfing himself says", speaking of his fourth division, 'Nebensätze zur Angabe des Anfangspunktes der Handlung des übergeordneten Satzes': 'Es ist nicht immer genau festzustellen, ob das Fügewort in solchen Sätzen durch seitdem oder durch nachdem zu übersetzen ist, ... da mehrere Möglichkeiten vorhanden sind.'

One other illustration of siddan in its meaning from the time that will suffice: L. 7. 45 Coss þu me ne sealdest; þeos syddun ic ineode, ne ge-swac Þ heo mine fet ne cyste. The Latin runs: Osculum mihi non dedisti: haec autem ex quo intravit, non cessavit osculari pedes meos.

The sentences quoted for variations in spelling will illustrate either use as it may happen: BH. 318. 14 Secgað men be hire, seoðþan heo mynster gesohte, þæt heo næfre linnum hræglum brucan wolde; CP. 157. 21 Sieddan he hit donne mid dara awðrum cyð, donne bið sio duru dære unryhtwisnesse ontyned. The use of donne in this way is rare, though occasionally found. I quote one other example: Sol. 23.5 Syddan þu þonne me þæt asæd heafst, bonne mæg ic þe secgan butan ælcum tweon þæt þu heafst swa feola dara ancra begyte swa þu heafst þara lusta on wurlde forlaten.

More frequently, da is found at the head of the main clause, as in this example: Sol. 21. 16 ac siðþan ic hyt þa ongyten hæfde, þa forlæt ic þa þe sceawunge mid þam eagum.

Epis. 151. 310 Sioðban hie þa wyrmas hæfdon ondruncen þæs wætres, þa gewiton hie ponon and ure no ne ehton; Rood. 5. 34 Đa siodden se mæra kasere constantinus wæs getrymed mid rihtan geleafan, he þa liornian ongan þa godcundan lare; Lch. 3. 104. 1 opre greccas nemneð eumotici, ß sindon þe teþ þe


2. II 2.

þane mete brecaḥ, syþþe þa forme hyne underfangene habbæt.

In Modern English, since has passed very largely over to the causal signification. This is natural enough, for an event which precedes another is often its cause; but it is noteworthy that in OE. syddan rarely or never has this meaning. I quote an example in which the two meanings seen about equally present: LS. 2. 70.76 Fela waron forbodene godes folc on dære æ þe nu syndon clæne æfter cristes tocyme, siddan paules cwæð to þam cristenum dus.

Note 1. Siðdan seems to be used in the poetry as in the prose. An example follows: Christ 1041 micel ariseð Dryhtfolc to dome, sippan deabes bend Toleseð Liffruma.

NOTE 2. I find seodden in Layamon's Brut 1. 267.6 þar nas nauer nan man seodden Noes flod hit hauede ouergan.

Later forms are sithenes, which gives the Modern English since; and sithe, which gives sith, common in Elizabethan English: Piers Plowman, Prologue A. 61 Seththe charite hath be chapmon, and cheef to schriuen lordes, Mony ferlyes han bi-falle in a fewe yeres. For the same passage the B. text has: For sith charite hath be chapman .. I find the form syn in Chaucer's Prologue 601 And by his covenant yaf the rekenyng, syn that his lord was twenty year of age. Sithen also is found : Knightes Tale 1244 and sikerly, ther trowed many a man That never, sithen that the world bigan, ..., Nas of so fewe, so noble a companye.

Note 3. The Modern German seitdem is analogous to OE. siðdan.

Note 4. Gothic seibu is cognate to OE. siddan, but is not used as a conjunction. OS. siðor is used as a conjunction in ways parallel to the use of OE. siddan: Heliand 147 than warun wit nu atsamna antsibunta wintro gibenkeon endi gibeddeon, sidor ik sie mi te brudi gekos. In OHG., Otfrid uses sid in ways parallel to OE. siðdan: Otfrid 2. 8.54 Thiz zeichan deta druhtin krist mennisgon zi erist, sid er hera in worolt quam joh mannes lichamon nam; Otfrid 5. 17. 15 zi

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