In origin the construction is comparative; and its temporal character is incidental, as it were, though in the historical period of the language that idea is the chief one.

This class of clauses seems to have escaped Wülfing's notice, though there are numerous examples in the works of Alfred.

I have noted the spelling swe longe swe in OET. Vesp. Psalms 145. 1 ic hergu dryhten in life minum, singu gode minum swe longe swe ic biom.

The Middle English form is so longe so, which I find first in Cart. 3. 217. 27 And Wlmer prest singe þerat and his bearntem so longe so he pen to þen hode. The spelling swa occurs in this example: BH. 436.2 hiene in dæm streame sæncte 7 defde, swa longe swœ he gesegen wæs þæt he aræfnan meahte. I have noted only one case in which the substantive occurs with lange: Mk. 2. 19 ne magon hi fæstan swa lange tide swa hi done brydguman mid him habbað.

The apparent optative in this example is probably due to the weakening of the ending, as it occurs in a late text, and as there is no reason for the optative: Æ. Asm. 86. 181 þeo boc us sæð swutellice be þam folce, pheo on sibbe wunedon swa lange swa heo wurdoden pone heofenlice god on his bigengum georne. The following example will illustrate the normal use of the connective: Mart. 214. 13 ond hig slepon dæg ond niht swa lange swa hig on þam huse wæron.

In M. 25.40 swa lange swa has the logical force of inasmuch as, which stands in our modern versions: M. 25.40 Donne 7 swarao se cyning hym 7 cwyp to heom: Sop ic eow secge, swa lange swa ge dydon anum dysum minum læstum gebroðorum, swa lange ge hyt dydon me. This is evidently due to the Latin, for nowhere else in OE., save in quotations of this

passage and the similar verse M. 25. 45, has swa lange swa this meaning. The Latin is: et respondens rex, dicet illis amen dico vobis, quamdiu fecistis uni ex his fratribus meis minimis, mihi fecistis. This does not go back to the Greek, which runs thus: Kai ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐρεῖ αὐτοῖς Ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ἐφ ̓ ὅσον ἐνοιήσατε ἑνὶ τούτων τῶν ἀδελφῶν μου τῶν ἐλαχίστων, ἐμοὶ Eлoroarε. Following the Greek, the Gothic has : Amen qiþa izuis, jah panei tawidedup ainamma þize minnistane bropre mainaize, mis tawidedup. Wycliffe has as long as; but in as moche as, which is the reading of all subsequent versions down to the American Revised, appears first in Tyndale's version.

It as an easy step from as long as, in its temporal meaning, to the meaning inasmuch as, and we very often hear it so used in colloquial speech. The merchant, anxious to dispose of his wares, wishing to give the notion that he is influenced by good will, will say to a prospective purchaser: as long as it is you, &c.

However, in OE. swa lange swa always has its literal meaning, save in this one instance. Cf. M. 25. 45; ÆH. 2. 108. 15, 28; BIH. 169. 20; Wulf. 288. 25; 289. 6.

NOTE 1. I have not observed any parallels either in the poetry or in other Germanic languages.

NOTE 2. In the earlier text of Layamon's Brut we find swa long swa, while the later version usually has so long so. I quote an illustration: Brut 2. 526.22 swiken nulle ich nauere, swa long swa beod auere. Later version: þat so long so beop euere, ne swike ich þe neuere.

NOTE 3. As long as is so common in Modern English that to quote illustrations would be superfluous.

6b. swa lange. . swa lange.

In four instances swa lange is repeated at the head of the main clause. I quote to illustrate: O. 274. 10

swa longe swa seo ehtnes wæs þara cristenra monna, swa longe him was ungemetlic moncwealm getenge; ÆH. 2. 108. 28 Soo ic eow secge, swa lange swa ge forwyrndon anum of ðisum lytlun, and noldon him on minum naman tidian, swa lange ge me sylfum his forwyrndon.

I quote the one example in which swa lange appears in the midst of the main clause, while swa introduces the subordinate member of the sentence: EH. 2. 230. 35 and swa lange leofode of ðisum deadlicum life swa he sylf wolde. In such an example as this the comparative nature of the construction is more evident. 6d. swe longe.

The one instance of this connective appears in Vesp. Psalms, which is a literal and slavish gloss. Doubtless the form is due to the imitation of the Latin quamdiu, which it is employed to render: OET. Vesp. Psalms 103. 33 ic singu dryhtne in life minum, ic singu gode minum swe longe ic biom. The Latin is: psallam Deo meo, quamdiu ero.

6e. swa lange þ.

It does not quite appear whether this example is to be understood as temporal or as expressing result. The form would lead us to expect the latter meaning, but the context seems to favor the temporal interpretation. The sentence in question follows: Chron. 250. 34 þæt fir hi seagon in de dæi rime and læste swa lange hit was liht ofer eall.

6f. swa... lengost.

This connective corresponds to swa... swa . . . hraðost, but it is found only once. case of the other connectives, the verb is

oftost and

As in the

a form of

mugan; and the subject, and only that, intervenes between the parts of the connective. The one example follows: Chron. 161. 1 ealle pa yldestan menn on West Seaxon lagon ongean swa hi lengost mihton.

7. Jenden.

This connective occurs very rarely in the prose, only seven examples of its occurrence being noted. In meaning it is synonymous with da hwile de.

Wülfing does not note it as being used in the writings of Ælfred, but I have found one instance of its use. The corresponding passage in Smith's ed. of BH. has da hwile, and this explains why Wülfing does not find the conjunction in Ælfred.

Three of the seven examples occur in Lch. I shall quote freely, since so few examples occur: Laws 74. 1 Gif disses hwæt gelimpe denden fyrd ute sie, oððe in lenctenfæsten, hit sie twybote; BH. 188. 4 se de ær, penden he pis hwilendlice hæfde riice, ma he gewunade, þæt he for þæm ecan riice symle wonn 7 God bletsode; Lch. 2. 204. 1 of þam sceal beon þ rot gelome adon, penden hit mon weld; Mart. 40. 11 wit sendon þine sweostra, ond Crist unc sende to pe, ond wit sceolon a beon mid pe penden pu leofast.

In the Northumbrian Gospels1 dende occurs a number of times, thus: M. 26. 6 dende donne was de hælend in bethania in huse symonis dæs hreafa, cuom to him wif hæbbende stænne fulle smirinisse.

NOTE 1. In the poetry denden occurs somewhat more frequently. I quote examples from Beowulf, thus: Beo. 57 heold penden lifde, gamo lond guð-reouw, glæde Scyldingas; Beo. 1859 wesan, penden ic wealde widan rices, mapmas gemæne.

1 Cook, Glossary.

8. on dam de.

This connective occurs very rarely, two instances only having been noted.

Probably it arose from the omission of the substantive in such sentences as this: O. 180. 21 On þæm dagum þe Titus Sempronius 7 Gratias Gaius wæron consulas on Rome, (hie) gefuhton wið Faliscis þæm folce. I quote the two examples: Chron. 169. 28 On pam pe Godwine eorl 7 Beorn eorl lagon on Peuenes ea pa com Swein eorl, 7 bæd Beorn eorl mid facne; Chron. 179. 16 on pam pe he her on lande wæs he gespeon ealle Centingas.

9. under dæm de.

The only occurrence of this connective is in O. as follows: O. 30. 5 hy da under dæm þe he him onwinnende wæs, wurdon gerade wigcræfta.

It is a short step from such a use of under dam as we have in the following sentence to the full conjunctive force: Chron. 168. 7 Da weard hit under ham pet pam cynge com word þ unnfrið scipa lægen be westen and hergodon. The use of under in such cases as this might easily lead to its employment in conjunctional phrases: O. 210. 10 Efter pæm Serius Galua for eft on Lusitanie, 7 frið genam wiờ hie, 7 hi under þæm fripe beswac; O. 182. 23 Swa ponne was mid Romanum þæt an gear þæt hi sibbe hæfdon, þæt hie under pære sibbe to þære mæstan sace become.

NOTE 1. In OS. we find undar thiu used with temporal force: Heliand 2854 That folk stillo bed,... under thiu he thurh in selbes kraft,... thena meti wihida,... endi mid is handum brak.

10 a. betwux dam de.

Both the examples with this connective occur in LS. 2., and both follow: LS. 2. 254. 548 Betwux pam