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9h. mid dam de ... hrædlice.
This occurs only once: Dial. 142. 10 þa mid þam þe he þa flaxan onhyllde, þa eode þær ut hræddlice an næddre.
9i. mid dam de .. færinga.
Guth. 14. 15 þa gelamp sume nihte mid þam þe he com of farendum wege, .. þa wæs he færinga mid Godes ege onbryrd.
9j. færlice, mid dam de.
ÆH. 1. 430. 31 þa færlice, mid dam de he gesæt, comon dæs caseres cempan, and hine gelæhton.
9k. sona mid Van De.
BIH. 199. 20 Đa sona mid þan þe se stræl on flyge wæs, þa com swide mycel windes blæd foran ongean, þæt seo stræl instepe wearð eft gecyrred.
91. sona mid dy de.
Only one example has been noted, though there are several in which sona appears in the main clause: BH. 186. 13 Sona mid þy be seo fæmne mid þære cyste, Þe heo bær, geneolecte þæm cafertune þæs huses, þa gewiton ealle þa wergan gastas onweg.
9m. mid dy de
Mid dy de most often means when, but frequently the action of one clause follows that of the other. In these examples sona is used in the main clause to make clear the fact of immediate sequence: Dial. 197. 9 mid þy be þæt þus geworden was bodod þam wælhreowestan cyninge, þa sona wæs his þæt rede mod gecyrred to mycelre arwurðnesse þæs biscopes; BIH. 189. 21 & mid by be heo bis gecweden [hefde, þa] com þær sona eadega .
9n. mid ðy de ... hraðe.
Three of the four examples occur in BIH., the other in Dial. : Dial. 142. 11 mid þy þe he þa flascan gehylde, þa wæs þær hraðe sumu nædre ut gangende; BIH. 245. 14 mid þi þe he þæt gehyrde, hraþe he þa aras gesund.
90. mid oy de ... semninga.
The two examples of this connective occur in BIH. Since they are practically identical, I quote only one: BIH. 147. 30 þa mid þy þe he þis gecweden hæfde ure Drihten, þa cleopode semninga þære eadigan Marian lichoma beforan him eallum & was cwe bende ...
9p. mid dy de ... færinga.
Only one example has been noted: Ap. T. 15. 4 Mid þy te se cyning þas word gecwæd, þa færinga þar eode in des cynges iunge dohtor. 9q. sona æfter dam de.
Chron. 231. 10 Đa sona æfter þam þe se cyng was suð afaren, feorde se eorl anre nihte ut of Bebba burh towardes Tine muðan. 9r. song ofter bon đe.
BIH. 121. 6 Swa we leorniaþ þæt sona æfter pon þe Drihten on heofenas astag ..., þa wæs æfter pon þæt hie þysne middangeard on twelf tanum tohluton.
9s. swiðe hraðe æfter Oon De.
Dial. 297. 14 þa suide hrade æfter pon þe he swa aras, hefiendre þære adle he wearð forðfered.
9t. ofter on be .. sona.
In the following example, after ton da is probably for æfter don te, since the other MSS. have this reading : BH. 126. 19 Æfter bon þa Æþelfrið se cyning hine þær geahsode þæt he mid Rædwold þone cyning was, þa sende he sona ærendwrecan to him. One
other example has been noted, thus : Dial. 260. 15 ac æfter bon þe he gefeoll hider on þis woruldlice wræce, he gewat sona fram þam leohte 7 wisdomes his modes.
9u. naht longe æfter dam.
In this example, immediate sequence is indicated by denying the contrary: Mart. 110, 3 da æfter seofen gearum se bysceop forðferde naht longe æfter tam he hæfde mæssan gesungen æt þæra apostola tyde. Aside from this difference, it is similar to those we have been considering
As is true of Modern English when, OE. Ja, denoting time when, frequently introduced a clause the action of which preceded that of the main clause. In sona Ja the office of sona is to make clear the fact that the action of the one clause follows that of the other directly. Sona da, then, differs from the others we have been considering only in this, namely, that the priority of the action of the temporal clause is not necessarily implied in the connective, as it is in siddan and after dam de, &c.
Three of the five examples I have noted occur in Dial. I quote one of these, and the other two: Dial. 31.8 sona þa se halga fæder wæs inn agan on þone wyrttun, þa ongan se deofol ... of hire mude clypian; LS. 2. 252. 522 Tetradius da sona þa he þæt geseah, gelyfde on urne drihten; BIH. 177. 33 þa sona þa þæt gewit aræded wæs, þa cwæþ Neron. This Morris translates as soon as the letter was read, then said Nero.'
10. næs ða nænig hwil to ðan sona swa.
We find three instances of this curious combination in Guth. It is due probably to a confusion of constructions ; but the first element is unkown elsewhere in OE., except as we find it in this sentence: Epis. 146. 180 Đa mes long to bom in tem westenne þæt we to sumre ea cwoman. Guth. 54. 23 presents an intermediate stage: Swylce næs eac nænig hwil to þam sona comon þær þry men to þære hyðe and þær tacn slogon.
The three examples follow: Guth. 54. 15 Næs þa nænig hwil to pan, sona sua hi ut of þam inne eodon, þa gesegon hi þone hræfn mid þan sweartan nebbe þa glofe teran uppe on anes huses þæce; Guth. 60. 16 Næs þa þænig hwil to þan sona swa he wæs mid þam gyrdele begyrd, eal seo unclænnys fram him gewat; Guth. 68. 19 Næs þa nænig hwil to þon sona sua he mid þan hrægle swa miccles weres gegyred wæs, þa ne mihte þæt þæt sar aberan.
The writer of Guth. is fond of negative expressions of this kind.
C. CLAUSES DENOTING DURATION.
1a. Ja hwile De.
This is the connective used most often, by far, to introduce a clause indicating the duration of an action. It is not necessary that the activity predicated in the main clause should correspond in point of extension to the space of time indicated by the da hwile de clause. Sometimes we have a momentary activity expressed in the main clause. Đa hwile is the accusative singular of seo hwil, used to indicate extent of time; de is, of course, the relative particle. The particle, then, is equivalent to Middle English the while that, which has been replaced in Modern English by while, though the form with the article is still sometimes met with in poetry.
I have noted one example in which the relative is separated from its antecedent: 0. 212. 25 Ic nat (eac), cwæð he, hu nyt ic þa hwile beo be ic þas word sprece. The use of lengest 1 in the following example really makes the clause equivalent to as long as, and makes clear the equal duration of the activities of the two clauses: Chron. 85. 22 þa besæt sio fierd hie þær utan þa hwile pe hie þær lengest mete hæfdon.
The plural hwila seems to be used in this example : Chron. 149. 30 7 he his rice heardlice wærode þa hwila þe his tima wæs. Or hwila is a careless writing for hwile. So da is probably for de in these examples : Lch. 2. 120. 15 drince þa hwile pa he þurfe; Lch. 2. 338. 20 bepe hine mid þisse beþinge þa hwile þa he mæge aræfnan. I have also noted three instances of De hwile de, two in CP. and one in Lch. 3, which are probably due to the carelessness of the scribe. For the examples from CP., the Cotton. MS. has da hwile de in both cases: CP. 159. 4 fordæmde we ealle, de huile de we libbað on dissum deadlican flæsc, ðære tidernesse & Jære hnescnesse ures flæsces we beoð underðidde; CP. 247. 15 Eac sint to manianne da halan ðæt hie Gode wilnigen to licianne de hwile de hie mægen; Lch. 3. 122. 6 ne cume he on nane cyle de hwile þe he seoc beo.
I have noted two cases in which hwile is modified: O. 20. 25 ealle þa hwile pe þæt lic bið inne, þær sceal beon gedrync 7 plega; PPs. 48. 18 Forðam he nyste him nænne þanc, ne Gode ne mannum, þæs þe he him sealde, syððan he hit hæfde; butan þa ane hwile Þe hit him man sealde. The Latin is: et confitebimur tibi dum benefeceris ei. A hwilæ gre occurs once : Cart. 2. 410.39 And a hwilæ de cristendom sie, fullicæ mid hira godcundnessæ for me sien. . . . Latin : Et
1 Cf. swa lengost, p. 91.