swa. It will be noted that it occurs in the writings of Elfric, who is especially fond of the latter connective: ÆH. 1. 86. 34 Swa ricene swa ic gewite, ofsleað ealle das Iudeiscan ealdras.

5 b. swa radlice swa.

Chron. 358. 16 Ne pince man na sellice þ we soð seggen, for hit was ful cu ofer eall land þ swa radlice swa he þær com p was þes Sunendæies þ man singað Exurge quare O. D. This is the only example of this connective I have noted.

5c. swa swide swa.

I can hardly consider the temporal notion in this sentence to be the primary one, yet Morris translates: 'Verily as quickly as,' &c. I should rather translate according as: BIH. 185. 5 Witodlice swa swipe swa he wenep sylf þæt he sceole to heofenum ahafen weorþan, swa swipe he bip bedyped on þa neopemestan helle witu.

For a discussion of das de, which means after, the reader is directed to the proper paragraphs of Section IV. The general matters there considered need not be treated here.

As has been the case with so many of the particles belonging to this section, this connective means after, with an adverb prefixed to make clear the fact of immediate sequence. Thirty-three of the thirty-nine examples with this connective occur in BH. Of the remaining six, two are in Chron., one in Cart., two in Guth., and one in Epis.

Occasionally da, donne, sona, or swa appears as a correlative in the main clause. I quote examples to 1 p. 110.

illustrate these points: Chron. 176. 6 sona þæs þe pis wæs, þa forlet se cyng þa hlæfdian; BH. 326. 22 forðon sona pas pe heo onweg eodon, ponne toslupon

da bendas 7 tolesde wæron; BH. 394. 1 Sona pas de se biscop orationem ofer me arædde 7 me geblætsode 7 gesægnode 7 utgongende wæs, sona ic wæs, &c.; Epis. 148. 249 and sona pas de hie inne wæron, swa wæron þa nicoras gearwe. I have noted no parallels either in the poetry or in other Germanic dialects. 6b. sona ... ☎æs de.

The two examples with this form of the connective likewise appear in BH. I quote both: BH. 200. 2 Ic wat sona, cwæð he, þæs þe ge in scip astigað, þæt ofer eow cymeð micel storm 7 hreonis; BH. 418. 22 Sona þæm erestan tidum, pas da lareowas cuomon in Fresena land,... þa wolde he hredlice to Rome cuman. MSS. B., O., and Ca. have þæs þe.

6 c. sona ærest ðæs de.

The one example of this kind also occurs in BH., as do most of the sona das de class: BH. 200. 9 Ond sona ærest, þæs þe heo in scip eodon, 7 ut leton, þætte astigon wiðorwearde windas.

6 d. sona from fruman dæs de.

Perhaps this example throws light on the question of the origin of the temporal use of das de. I have noted only one of the kind: Guth. 26. 10 On þam seade ufan se eadiga wer Guðlac him hus getimbrode, sona from fruman þæs þe he þæt ancer-setl gesæt.

6e. sona Ŏæs.

Only two examples of sona does have been noted. Since the relative is sometimes dropped in such connectives as da hwile de and after dam de, it need not

surprise us that such is the case here: Chron. 199. 25 sona pas hi fere wæron, worhton castel æt Hæstinga port: Epis. 158. 499 And þa sona þæs þa elpendas da swin gesawon, þa wæron hie afyrhte.

6f. Öæs de sona instepe.

...

BH. 402. 33 Đa ws geworden, ps đe he on minre ondwlitan bleow, da sona instepe gefelde ic mec batiende 7 werpende.

7. sona hrade dæs de.

This one example offers, as it were, an easy transition to the next class, that of the hrade das de type: BH. 98. 7 Ah he sona hraðe, þæs be he biscop geworden wæs, þætte he gefremede pæet weorc þæt he longe wilnade.

As we found sona dæs de to occur almost exclusively in BH., so hrade das de is confined to O., only two examples occuring elsewhere, and these in Chron. I quote examples: Chron. 228. 4 Ac hraðe þæs þe he ham com, he his fyrde ge gaderode; O. 160. 3 raðe pas pe hie togædere coman, Romane hæfdon sige. 8b. rade . . . ðæs de.

Four instances of the divided form occur, two in O., one in BH., and one in BIH. Examples follow: O. 246. 4 hiene rade gefliemde pas pe hie togædere comon; BIH. 27. 21 Men þa leofestan, cup is þætte hrape Drihten, pas pe he of þam fulwihtes bæpe eode, þa fæstte he sona.

NOTE 1. I find rade

.

das de once in the poetry:

Chron. 188. 22 he swa rade his lif geendade pas pe he to Engla lande com.

8c. rade dæs . . . Ŏe.

O. 168. 26 hie rade pas forbærnnan het be he to lande gefor.

8d. forrade ðæs de.

Cart. 2. 315. 16 Edelstan cyng gefreode Eadelm forrade pas de he ærest cyng was.

8e. swide hrade öæs de.

The one example which I have noted with this strengthened form of the connective is as follows: Bo. 133. 23 sume hi bereafað hiora welan swide hrade, pas pe hi ærest gesælige weorðað.

8f. instepes Öæs Ŏe.

BIH. 35.5 Hwæt, we gehyrdon þæt þæt fasten þyses feowertiges daga ongunnen was instepes pas þe he of þæm fulwihte astag.

9a. hrædlice siððan.

In a considerable number of cases, an adverb is employed, either in immediate conjunction with the particle or in the main clause, to render specific the fact of the immediate sequence of the action of one clause on that of the other, when the particle itself does not imply this. Such a phenomenon we have in hrædlice siddan, and in the other particles of this subdivision.

These require no discussion, but it has been my principle to assign no example to this class without some clear indication of immediate sequence in the sentence itself, and I therefore think it fitting to indicate the reason in each case.

ÆH. 2. 136. 22 and he hrædlice siddan he munuc was weard geset cumena den.

O. 178. 2 Ac sippan Metellus þa elpendas ofercom, sippan he hæfde eac rade pæt oper folc gefliemed.

9c. sona .. siððan.

Æ. Asm. 14. 36 Ac hi sona geswicon þæs sincipes æfre, syppan hi Cristes leare geleornodon æt him;

Hex. 56. 8 and eode him sona aweg, sydoon he diss gehyrde. The following example is identical with those just quoted, save that the relative position of the clauses is reversed: Guth. 36. 6 Næs þa nænig yldend to þam þæt sydðan hi on þæt hus comon, hi þa sona pone halgan wer eallum limum gebundon.

9 d. sona siððan.

This combination occurs twice, once in BH. and once in BIH. I quote both examples: BH. 132. 4 Forpon sona sippan þa ærendwrecan ham cerdon, þe his cwale ærendodon, þa gebeon Rædwald his fyrd; BIH. 111. 29 & se man næfre todon leof ne bið his nehmagum & his worldfreondum, ne heora nan hine to þæs swipe ne lufað þæt he sona syppan ne sy onscungend, seoppan se lichoma & se gast gedælde beop.

9 e. swide hrade sidðan.

I have noted this combination only once, thus: CP. 465. 22 ac ic ongeat swide hrade, siddan du me forlete, hu untrum ic wæs.

9f. sona mid dam de.

One instance of this connective has been noted: LS. 1. 480. 151 and he wearð hal sona mid pam pe he clypode cristes naman him to fultume.

In three of the examples I have included under this head, the temporal clause precedes its main clause, thus: O. 274. 3 sona gedyde sweotol tacn pet he Philippus ær besierede, mid pæm þe he het cristenra monna ehtan; Dial. 46. 27 mid pam pe se Godes wer Constantius þa þis gehyrde, he sona swide bliðe forlet þa leohtfatu.