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his continued legislative attempts thereupon. As soon as it became known that the agitation of the Irish Land League had induced that impressionable statesman to revise his own Act of 1870 (by which he had hoped to close and seal up the subject for ever "), new hopes were kindled in the breast of every Irish tenant who was dissatisfied with his position, and of every National Leaguer who had been taught that the soil of Ireland really belonged to those fictitious beings who are called the "children of Ireland," as distinguished from those "rack-renting" landlords who have inherited or bought it according to the legitimate practice of ordinary law. A new impetus was given to agitation, and the idea became firmly engrafted upon the Irish mind, that the rattle of slugs along the roads," or, in other words, wellsustained and unscrupulous opposition to the law, would frighten a Gladstonian Government into concession to any demands upon which the "Nationalist" leaders might insist. We are but too well acquainted with the history of these six years, nor is it our duty to recapitulate the events which led to the wondrous change of front in Mr Gladstone at the close of the year 1885. The statesman who had always avowed his adherence to the example and policy of Sir Robert Peel, repudiated the teaching of that great leader; the Prime Minister who had passed stronger measures of coercion than any of his predecessors, suddenly condemned as iniquitous the coercion which he himself had practised; the head of a Cabinet by whose action many hundreds of Irishmen had been imprisoned for their Home Rule opinions, avowed himself a Home-Ruler, and not only so, but with a perversity of in

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genuity which would be ludicrous if the matter were less grave, endeavoured to prove that even when he was imprisoning HomeRulers he had never said a word or held an opinion against Home Rule. Then followed the wondrous strife which we have witnessed within the bosom of the Liberal party. Besides the consistent Home Rulers, those whose politics were personal, and whose political belief was Gladstoneworship, as well as those to whom office was their creed, and whose only hope of office was in Gladstone, followed their chief with ready alacrity, and discovered that the Parnellite "juice" in which they were about to stew," was nourishing and invigorating to their political frame. Nobler spirits, however, and men who cherished the old and fundamental Liberal principle as to the right of private judgment, dared to think for themselves, and to separate from the leader who had thus stepped aside from the old paths of constitutional Liberalism. Against these men was poured forth the full vial of that leader's wrath, and his utmost exertions were used to ensure their political extinction. If they now survive— and their parliamentary strength has been scarcely diminished-it is because they have found upon the Tory side, and among the Tory party, a frank recognition of their honourable consistency, and earnest and honest desire to co-operate with them in the maintenance of that great principle which at present binds together Tory and Liberal Unionist in a bond so strong as to overshadow and exclude all minor points of difference. If, however, such a bond is to be made as strong and enduring as all true patriots must desire, it is very necessary that we should at

an

the present moment clearly understand what it is we intend, upon what ground we take our stand, and what is the great and essential difference between ourselves and our opponents. It is all the more necessary on account of the new phase of the question upon which we have recently entered.

During the last general election, no term was too harsh to be applied by the Gladstonians to those Unionists whom they designated by the title of "Dissentient Liberals." From the ex-Premier himself down to the humblest of his followers, the Liberal Unionists were made the target for scorn and the object of their bitterest opposition. But things have changed. Just as the fact that the Tories and Nationalists, if voting in the same lobby, constituted a majority in the Parliament elected in 1885, created in Mr Gladstone's mind a reason for declaring that adhesion to Home Rule which, up to that moment, he had so carefully concealed from his nearest and dearest political friend; so, in the minds of reflective Gladstonians, arose the necessity of an alteration in their demeanour towards "Liberal Unionists," so soon as it appeared, after the election of 1886, that the presence of the latter in the Tory lobby would afford a majority over the combination of Radicals and Parnellites who would follow Mr Gladstone. Therefore it is that a milder tone has been adopted towards at least a portion of the Liberal Unionists: "Liberal reunion" has been whispered in their ears as something not altogether incompatible with that " unity of the empire" to which they are pledged, and a readiness has been avowed to modify any and every detail-if not any and every principle-which could stand in the way of so blessed a consummation.

Two objects are evidently in the Gladstonian mind-first, to win back some of the revolted subjects; secondly, even if this project should fail, to sow seeds of discord between the Whig and Radical Unionists. We speak with respect of the Knights of the Round Table who have lately met in fraternal discussion, but we do not believe that their conference can do anything else than accentuate the differences which divide them. It cannot be so, indeed, without a loss of political character on one side or the other; because those differences, as we understand them, are essentially dif ferences of principle, and not of detail. The real fundamental question which divides men upon this Irish matter is the question whether or no the Irish-or, to put it more fairly, the Queen's subjects resident in Ireland--are to be considered as a separate nation, or as part and parcel of the thirty-six or thirty-seven millions who form the population of Great Britain and Ireland. It must not be forgotten that up to the very moment of Mr Gladstone's declaration in favour of Home Rule, the leaders of the Nationalists" had been loudly advocating separation from Great Britain, the banishment of the "Saxon" from Ireland, the raising of the " green flag " instead of the Union-jack, and the right of Ireland to "take her place among the nations of the earth." We repeat that this must not be forgotten; because, although these sentiments are now disavowed, and we are as loudly told by the same men that Ireland does not desire separation from England, we must use our own judgment as to whether we will believe these gentlemen's speeches before or after December 1885, and must remember that if, after all, the

66

a

first and earlier speeches contained the true expression of their feelings, they would stand on vantageground from which hereafter to carry out their intentions, if they had a subservient Parliament and an executive (as proposed by Mr Gladstone) under their control. But granted that they do not wish for separation. In that case, if Ireland is still to be joined with us, and if the people of the four countries-England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales-are still to be considered as one, surely the question of their government by one or more Parliaments becomes question of convenience, to be decided according to the feelings and wishes of the whole, and not only of one part of the population. If we are to be, as we have been, a united people, and if the convenience of the whole people is to be considered, surely it would be, as Mr Bright says, "an intolerable mischief" to have two Parliaments in one country; and we are further inclined to agree with him that "no sensible man can wish for the two within the limits of the present United Kingdom, who does not wish the United Kingdom to become two or more nations entirely separate from each other."

long as the sanction of the Imperial Parliament (the Irish being always fully represented therein) is required, no harm can be done to imperial unity, and the balance will be fairly held between the different Irish interests and creeds. But once given an Irish Parliament, and the groundwork is laid for innumerable further demands and interminable difficulties which it will be found impossible to prevent. If the control of the executive is not also given, an immediate and powerful agitation will accompany the calling into existence of the Parliament. Then it will be asked why the financial power permitted to "Grattan's Parliament " is to be removed from the newly constituted Irish Legistature? As time goes on, there will be continual efforts (and natural efforts beyond doubt) to remove this and that restriction--continual attempts to enlarge the powers and increase the area of action prescribed for the Irish Parliament; and such attempts will in all probability be followed by agitation such as that to which Mr Gladstone has taught British Governments to yield. It will be remembered, too, that as all these demands will be made in the name of Liberty and Justice to Ireland, backed by the cry of equality for the four countries, and supported by the native eloquence in which Irishmen are so proficient, they will undoubtedly be popular with Irish constituencies, and will in all probability command a majority in the Irish If there is a separ

At present the "Irish nation" is fully represented in the Parliament of Great Britain. If, upon any Irish question, they are out

the present moment clearly understand what it is we intend, upon what ground we take our stand, and what is the great and essential difference between ourselves and our opponents. It is all the more necessary on account of the new phase of the question upon which we have recently entered.

During the last general election, no term was too harsh to be applied by the Gladstonians to those Unionists whom they designated by the title of "Dissentient Liberals." From the ex-Premier himself down to the humblest of his followers, the Liberal Unionists were made the target for scorn and the object of their bitterest opposition. But things have changed. Just as the fact that the Tories and Nationalists, if voting in the same lobby, constituted a majority in the Parliament elected in 1885, created in Mr Gladstone's mind a reason for declaring that adhesion to Home Rule which, up to that moment, he had so carefully concealed from his nearest and dearest political friend; so, in the minds of reflective Gladstonians, arose the necessity of an alteration in their demeanour towards "Liberal Unionists," so soon as it appeared, after the election of 1886, that the presence of the latter in the Tory lobby would afford a majority over the combination of Radicals and Parnellites who would follow Mr Gladstone. Therefore it is that a milder tone has been adopted towards at least a portion of the Liberal Unionists: "Liberal reunion" has been whispered in their ears as something not altogether incompatible with that "unity of the empire" to which they are pledged, and a readiness has been avowed to modify any and every detail-if not any and every principle-which could stand in the way of so blessed a consummation.

we un

Two objects are evidently in the Gladstonian mind--first, to win back some of the revolted subjects; secondly, even if this project should fail, to sow seeds of discord between the Whig and Radical Unionists. We speak with respect of the Knights of the Round Table who have lately met in fraternal discussion, but we do not believe that their conference can do anything else than accentuate the differences which divide them. It cannot be so, indeed, without a loss of political character on one side or the other; because those differences, as derstand them, are essentially differences of principle, and not of detail. The real fundamental question which divides men upon this Irish matter is the question whether or no the Irish--or, to put it more fairly, the Queen's subjects resident in Ireland-are to be considered as a separate nation, or as part and parcel of the thirty-six or thirty-seven millions who form. the population of Great Britain and Ireland. It must not be forgotten that up to the very moment of Mr Gladstone's declaration in favour of Home Rule, the leaders of the "Nationalists had been loudly advocating separation from Great Britain, the banishment of the "Saxon" from Ireland, the raising of the "green flag " instead of the Union-jack, and the right of Ireland to "take her place among the nations of the earth.” We repeat that this must not be forgotten; because, although these sentiments are now disavowed, and we are as loudly told by the same men that Ireland does not desire separation from England, we must use our own judgment as to whether we will believe these gentlemen's speeches before or after December 1885, and must remember that if, after all, the

first and earlier speeches contained the true expression of their feelings, they would stand on vantageground from which hereafter to carry out their intentions, if they had a subservient Parliament and an executive (as proposed by Mr Gladstone) under their control. But granted that they do not wish for separation. In that case, if Ireland is still to be joined with us, and if the people of the four countries-England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales-are still to be considered as one, surely the question of their government by one or more Parliaments becomes a question of convenience, to be decided according to the feelings and wishes of the whole, and not only of one part of the population. If we are to be, as we have been, a united people, and if the convenience of the whole people is to be considered, surely it would be, as Mr Bright says, "an intolerable mischief" to have two Parliaments in one country; and we are further inclined to agree with him that "no sensible man can wish for the two within the limits of the present United Kingdom, who does not wish the United Kingdom to become two or more nations entirely separate from each other."

We take, then, the one great and essential difference between Unionists and Separatists to be the question whether there shall or shall not be a separate Parliament for Ireland. Everything hangs upon the word Parliament. The question of a separate executive is immensely important, but that of a Parliament is still more so; and for this reason. If this demand be steadily refused, local relief may be given, the development and extension of selfgovernment essayed, and institutions freely altered to meet Irish wishes and Irish requirements. So

long as the sanction of the Imperial Parliament (the Irish being always fully represented therein) is required, no harm can be done to imperial unity, and the balance will be fairly held between the different Irish interests and creeds. But once given an Irish Parliament, and the groundwork is laid for innumerable further demands and interminable difficulties which it will be found impossible to prevent. If the control of the executive is not also given, an immediate and powerful agitation will accompany the calling into existence of the Parliament. Then it will be asked why the financial power permitted to "Grattan's Parliament " is to be removed from the newly constituted Irish Legistature? As time goes on, there will be continual efforts (and natural efforts beyond doubt) to remove this and that restriction--continual attempts to enlarge the powers and increase the area of action prescribed for the Irish Parliament; and such attempts will in all probability be followed by agitation such as that to which Mr Gladstone has taught British Governments to yield. It will be remembered, too, that as all these demands will be made in the name of Liberty and Justice to Ireland, backed by the cry of equality for the four countries, and supported by the native eloquence in which Irishmen are so proficient, they will undoubtedly be popular with Irish constituencies, and will in all probability command a majority in the Irish Parliament. If there is a separate Irish Government, how is it to exist save by concession to Irish demands? And hence arises another question.

At present the "Irish nation” is fully represented in the Parliament of Great Britain. If, upon any Irish question, they are out