mined. This fact adds, of course, to the difficulty of determining in doubtful cases whether swa is concessive or modal, since the form of the clause is identical for both meanings.

For the adversatives occasionally employed as.concessive conjunctions, statistics have little value. Of the three examples I have observed of swa deah, one has the optative, one the indicative; one has no verb. Hwædere has the indicative.

THE CLAUSE IN RELATION TO THE SENTENCE.

A. The Position of the Concessive Clause.

The concessive clause may stand either before or after the principal clause, or, less frequently, may be inserted somewhere within it. There is no rule as to the order of concessive sentences, although in a few texts the tendency to one order or another is strongly marked. In the Lives of the Saints, for example, of the 104 deah-clauses, 78 stand after the principal clause. In the translation of Bede's History, of the 62 Jeah-clauses, 35 stand before the main sentence, and 5 are parenthetical; so that the tendency against 'loose' order is fairly strong.

B. The Mode of the Main Clause.

The concessive clause has no influence whatever upon the mode of the principal verb. The latter is indicative, imperative, or optative according to the laws usually governing independent sentences. An example of the indicative: CP. 261. 16 Se de for us gebad to his Fæder, deah he him emnmiehtig sie on his godhade; of the optative: Laws 222. 8 ælc ceapscip frið hæbbe, de binnan muðan cuman, deh hit unfriðscyp

sy; of the imperative: Laws 40. 15 peah hit sie din feond, gecyde hit him.1

C. The Concessive Clause as a Part of Speech. Normally, of course, the concessive clause is adverbial. It may, however be used as substantive. The most common cases of this sort are the interrogative or quasi-interrogative clauses discussed among the idiomatic uses of deah, in the third section of this chapter. Another case is the use of the deahclause, still with an implication of concession, to translate a Latin infinitive, as in the following passages: CP. 373. 1 ne ondræt him no, deah de he do God behindan hine (eumque laudi suae postponere nequaquam metuit); M. 15. 20. Again, the deah-clause may be appositive to hit, in cases where Modern English would use if and ignore the concessive idea emphasized by Old English. Examples: LS. 1. 34. 160 Ic wene þæt hit ne sy unrihtwisnysse ætforan gode þeah de þu wifes bruce and blysse on life; 2. 286. 1080 cwæð þæt hit ne sceolde his munuc-hade derian þeah þe he hire frofres and fultumes bruce. In the following passage, a Latin construction usually represented in Old English by a deah-clause which is probably to be considered adverbial, is appositive to Joet: CP. 333.8 ff. Hwæt forstent ænigum menn ðæt, deah he mangige dæt he ealne disne middangeard age, gif he his saule forspildt? (Quid prodest homini si totum mundum lucretur...?) In the succeeding sentence, the same idea, where the Latin still has si, is repeated in the Old English in a substantive datclause: Swelce sio Soðfæsones openlice cwæde: Hwelc fremu bið menn ðæt he gestriene eal ðæt him ymbutan sie, gif he forliesð dæt him oninnan bið...?

1 These passages are cited by the line of the deah-clause.

the imperative: Laws 40. 15 peah hit sie ðin gecyde hit him.1

The Concessive Clause as a Part of Speech. mally, of course, the concessive clause is ad1. It may, however be used as substantive. most common cases of this sort are the intercansalive or quasi-interrogative clauses discussed among Gif b

idiomatic uses of deah, in the third section of

chapter. Another case is the use of the deah

More fese, still with an implication of concession, to slate a Latin infinitive, as in the following passages:

373. 1 ne ondræt him no, deah de he do God indan hine (eumque laudi suae postponere nequam metuit); M. 15. 20. Again, the deah-clause may appositive to hit, in cases where Modern English uld use if and ignore the concessive idea emasized by Old English. Examples: LS. 1. 34. 160 wene þæt hit ne sy unrihtwisnysse ætforan gode

eah de pu wifes bruce and blysse on life; 2. 286. 1080 wæð þæt hit ne sceolde his munuc-hade derian eah þe he hire frofres and fultumes bruce. In the ollowing passage, a Latin construction usually represented in Old English by a deah-clause which is probably to be considered adverbial, is appositive to Joet: CP. 333.8 ff. Hwæt forstent ænigum menn det deah he mangige dæt he ealne disne middangeard age, gif he his saule forspildt? (Quid prodest homini si totum mundum lucretur...?) In the succeeding sentence, the same idea, where the Latin still has a is repeated in the

D. The Correlatives of the Concessive Clause. When the concessive clause precedes the main clause or some portion of it, it is frequently followed by a correlative word or phrase which emphasizes the conflict between principal and subordinate propositions. Only rarely does such a correlative precede the concessive clause.1 The correlative may be a definite adversative, such as deah, swa Jeah, or hwædere, or an adverb of some other form, or even an adjective. The position of the adversative may vary from the place immediately following the concessive clause to that of the eighth or even a later word after it.

1. Öeah.

a. Adversatives and similar adverbs.

Its

This is one of the most common adversatives. use is illustrated by the following passage, where the repetition of the same particle contrasts with the distinction in particles shown in the Latin2: Gram. 264. 14 quamuis non roget, tamen uult habere—deah de he ne bidde, peah he wyle habban. This position of deah as the initial word after a concession is very common, but not invariable. An example of later position: BR. 20. 25 peah hwylc leorninccniht his ealdres gebodu mid weorce gefremme, gif he hit mid mude beceorað oppe mid mode besargað, ne bið hit peah Gode andfenge.

1 An example of the exceptional order is the following: 0.252.2 Ic wille, cwæð Orosius, on foreweardre pisse seofepan bec gereccean þæt hit þeh Godes bebod wæs, þeh hit strong wære, hu emnlice þa feower onwealdas para feower heafedrica pisses middangeardes gestodon.

'Passages illustrating the use of correlatives are cited by the line in which the deah-clause occurs, except in the case of for eallum dissum.