the election of the city after being left out by the county, but lost his speakership.

The doings of Evans, however, restored Lloyd's majority for several years following, and the attempted impeachment of Logan on certain charges relating to the tenure of office of the judges, was the result. Logan defended himself vigorously, and finally went to England, where he was triumphantly acquitted a little later, both legally and morally.

The people seemed to be tired of the bickerings of the Assembly, and in 1710 elected a new one, not one old member being returned, and every one friendly to Penn. For the two remaining years of the Proprietor's healthy life matters went smoothly. Evans' successor, Charles Gookin, was a reputable gentleman, of a difficult disposition, and probably insane the latter part of his career. He did not harmonize with the Assembly, nor indeed with his Council, but did not greatly shock the people. David Lloyd was temporarily out of public life, and when he returned it was with a more kindly spirit.

The year 1710 was the beginning of a better time for Pennsylvania. A succession of fairly good Governors ensued. The people settled down under the wise charter of 1701, which

granted all reasonable liberties. Immigration was intensely active. Material prosperity developed at a rapid pace. Questions connected with oaths were somewhat troublesome, and small war clouds caused occasional uneasiness to conscientious Friends, but in the main peace reigned.

Bad as some of Lloyd's methods were, there can be no doubt that they made Pennsylvania a democratic State, tenacious of liberty. A different result would undoubtedly have ensued had the more dignified, but more aristocratic, system of Logan and Norris, and the proprietary party, remained unchallenged in power. Lloyd only voiced a very prevalent feeling which could not be restrained.

The heart of the people had always been with Penn. They believed in his liberality, his sincerity, his wisdom. Had he remained with them as Governor, or sent sympathetic and discreet deputies, there would have been practical unanimity in his support; at least there would have been no permanent opposition party. When his honest and pathetic address came to them in 1710, after his triumphant vindication by the election, every heart responded, and with this we may fitly close the account of the not very har

monious early period of Pennsylvania legislative history:

London, 29th Fourth month, 1710.

My Old Friends :-It is a mournful consideration, and the cause of deep affliction to me, that I am forced, by the oppressions and disappointments which have fallen to my share in this life, to speak to the people of that Prov. ince in a language I once hoped I should never have had occasion to usc. But the many troubles and oppositions that I have met with from thence oblige me, in plainness and freedom, to expostulate with you concerning the causes of them.

When it pleased God to open a way for me to settle that colony, I had reason to expect a solid comfort from the services done to many hundreds of people; and it was no small satisfaction to me that I have not been disappointed in seeing them prosper and growing up to a flourishing country, blessed with liberty, ease and plenty, beyond what many of themselves could expect, and wanting nothing to make them happy but what, with a right temper of mind and prudent conduct, they might give theniselves. But, alas! as to my part, instead of reap. ing the like advantages, some of the greatest of my troubles have arisen from thence. The many combats I have engaged in, the great pains and incredible expense for your welfare and ease, to the decay of my former estate, of which (however some there would represent it) I too sensibly feel the effects, with the undeserved opposition I have met with from thence, sink me into sorrow that, if not supported by a superior hand, might have overwhelmed me long ago. And I cannot but think it hard measure that, while that has proved a land of freedom and flourish. ing, it should become to me, by whose means it was prin cipally made a country, the cause of grief, trouble and poverty.

For this reason I must desire you all, even of all professions and degrees, (for although all have not been engaged in the measures that have been taken, yet every man

who has interest there is, or must be, concerned in them by their effects)-I must therefore, I say, desire you all, in a serious and true weightiness of mind, to consider what you are or have been doing: why matters must be carried on with these divisions and contentions, and what real causes have been given on my side for that opposition to me, and my interest, which I have met with, as if I were an enemy and not a friend, after all I have done and spent here and there. I am sure I know not of any cause whatsoever. Were I sensible you really wanted anything of me, in the relation between us, that would make you happier, I should readily grant it, if any reasonable man would say it were fit for you to demand, provided you would also take such measures as were fit for me to join with.

Here follows a resumé of the Frame of Government, which he declares he cares nothing about except to promote their good.

The attacks on my reputation, the many indignities put upon me in papers sent over hither into the hands of those who could not be expected to make the most discreet and charitable use of them; the secret insinuations against my justice, besides the attempt made upon my estate; resolves passed in the assemblies for turning my quit-rents, never sold by me, to the support of my govern. ment; my lands entered upon without any regular method; my manors invaded (under pretence I had not duly surveyed them), and both these by persons princi. pally concerned in these attempts against me here; a right to my overplus land unjustly claimed by the possessors of the tracts in which they are found; my private estate continually exhausting for the support of the gov ernment, both here and there, and no provision made for it by that country.

In short, when I reflect on all these heads, of which I have so much cause to complain, and, at the same time,

think of the hardships I and my family have been reduced to, in no small measure owing to my endeavors for and disappointments from that Province, I cannot but mourn the unhappiness of my portion, dealt to me from these of whom I had reason to expect much different and better things, nor can I but lament the unhappiness that too many of them are bringing on themselves, who, instead of pursuing the amicable ways of peace, love and unity, which I at first hoped to find in that retirement, are blind to their own interest, are oversetting that founda tion on which your happiness might be built.

Friends, the eyes of many are upon you; the people of many nations of Europe look on that country as a land of ease and quiet, wishing to themselves in vain the same blessings they conceive you may enjoy; but, to see the use you make of them, is no less the cause of surprise to others, while such bitter complaints and reflections are seen to come from you, of which it is difficult to conceive either the sense or meaning. What are the distresses, grievances and oppressions that the papers sent from hence so often say you languish under, while others have cause to believe you have hitherto lived or might live the happiest of any of the Queen's dominions?

It is a certain sign you are strangers to oppression, and know nothing but the name, when you so highly be stow it on matters so inconsiderable; but that business I find is adjusted. Could I know any real oppressions you lie under, that it is in my power to remedy (and what I wish you would take proper measures to remedy if you truly feel any such), I would be as ready on my part to remove them as you to desire it; but according to the best judgment I can make of the complaints I have seen (and you once thought I had a pretty good one), I must, in a deep sense of sorrow, say that I fear the kind hand of Providence, that has so long favored and protected you, will, by the ingratitude of many there, to the great mercies of God hitherto shown them, be at length provoked to convince them of their unworthiness.

I must think there is a regard due to me that has not of late been paid; pray consider of it fully, and think soberly what you have to desire of me, on the one hand, and ought to perform to me on the other; for from the next Assembly I shall expect to know what you resolve and what I may depend on. If I must continue my regards to you, let me be engaged to it by a like disposition in you toward me. But if a plurality after this shall think they owe me none or no more than for some years I have met with, let it, on a fair election, be so declared; and I shall then, without further suspense, know what I have to rely upon. God give you his wisdom and fear to direct you, that yet our poor country may be blessed with peace, love and industry, and we may once more meet good friends, and live so to the end, our relation to the truth having but the same true interest.

I am, with great truth and most sincere regard, your real friend, as well as just Proprietor and Governor, WILLIAM PENN.

It required about thirty years to settle down/ into steady government. Then followed thirty years of the greatest peace and prosperity. There were no more contentions between Governor and Assembly; no more angry recriminations upon which to base partisan capital; no more striving for liberties, for every reasonable liberty worth striving for was sccured; no more attempts to exalt proprietary interests at the expense of public interests; no more partisan strife, for there were no parties. The era of internal dissension had closed; the era of external war had not opened. For a generation the