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the similar society in England, the Na- ment was sharply evinced in the wholesale tional Trust for Places of Historic In- denunciation by the German press of the terest or Natural Beauty. Few, probably, recent $20,000,000 loan which was placed without thinking the matter over, would by the Imperial Government at New York." appreciate how much greater is the need It is pointed out that in the last decade of such a society in America, both be- the imports into the United States from cause the loss of our fewer links with the Germany were $880,000,000, while the past means all the more on account of their imports of Germany from the United rarity, and because the shifting, changing States were valued at $1,080,000,000; character of our population makes for the and the question is asked when and destruction of continuity of association. where this dependence upon the Republic We try, when abroad, to realize vividly for cotton, copper, breadstuffs, meats, on some historic spot the suggested story, petroleum, forage grains, and now money, and feel the charm of a direct contact. is going to end. As to manufactures, Mr. We forget that at home we pass by like Mason says that the producing capacity opportunities unimpressed because we of all leading German industries has been are not accustomed to expect them. The apparently reached, and that in several story of the Morris Mansion, for example, branches of iron and steel work the point the “ thread of romantic history” connect- of highest prosperity has been passed; proing it with the Philipse Manor Hall in duction has more than overtaken the deYonkers, has doubtless been lost even upon mands of home and foreign trade. The most of those who have visited it. Yet decline in the market for electrical machinhow interesting it is, as told in a sentence ery has been especially notable. “ While in the report. Roger Morris, who built many are disposed to admit that the creathe mansion before the war of the Revo- tive energy of the past few years has pushed lution, “was a comrade-in-arms of George production beyond the present capacity of Washington at Braddock's defeat in 1755, home and foreign markets, they insist that and his rival for the heart of Mary this activity is the result of much deeper Philipse, heiress of the lord of Philipse and more permanent influences than those Manor. Morris beat Washington in the which determine a merely temporary indusgame of hearts, but within twenty years trial revival, and that their present posiWashington made his headquarters in the tion, attained through advanced technical Morris Mansion, from which the master and commercial education, industry, frugal and mistress had fled attainted of treason living, and the skillful application of to the new republic.” In stimulating science to manufacturing processes, canpopular appreciation of the value of sav- not be undermined by any mere stringency ing things for their associations, of pre- of money or other temporary cause." In serving what is historic and picturesque, short, Mr. Mason bids us remember that and in offering a trusteeship for concen- Germans have been trained for generatrating effort whether by gifts or by tions to hard work and plain living, and, appeal to State intervention, the New while new and wider markets are urgently York society is quietly but effectively necessary, the people have acquired the doing a work that reaches in interest far capacity of cheap manufacture, the ships, beyond State bounds. It needs only and national force as a world power. a wider knowledge to give to its work Present discontent, therefore, whether on a National character.

the part of agriculturists or of manufacturers, probably does not foreshadow

any continued decline of Germany in Trade in Germany No consular reports sur

No consular reports sur commerce.

y pass in interest those from Mr. Mason, our Consul-General at

Important as have been

The Institute of Berlin. In his latest report, published

International law the results accomplished recently, he calls attention to the great

by the Hague Peace Conincrease of the export of American bread- ference, it appears that much of its sucstuffs to Germany. Hence Agrarians insist cess has been due to an association of that Germany is becoming too dependent international lawyers and philanthropists, upon the United States. “This senti- which has existed for a quarter of a century, and rendered invaluable services in The Ship Subsidy Bill the cause of universal peace and the humanizing of war. We refer to the Insti Senator Hanna began his effective detute of International Law (L'Institut de fense of the ship subsidy bill on Thursday Droit International), founded in 1873 by of last week with a declaration regarding the Belgian Minister Rolin-Jacquemyns. his own motives which we believe to be Its membership includes sixty of the most absolutely sincere. He advocated the eminent jurisconsults of the world. The bill, he said, not because he had personal beneficent purpose of the Institute is to interests in the shipping industry, but study cases likely to give rise to armed because he believed that the measure conflicts among nations, seek possible would promote the interests of the entire solutions of these conflicts, and propose Nation. The fact that he became publicly them to the governments interested. The the sponsor for the bill is of itself almost famous Hague Conference owes a debt of sufficient evidence of the genuineness of gratitude to the Institut de Droit Inter- this conviction, while the manner and the national, whose years of patient labor and matter of his arguments completely preresearch spent in untiring efforts to codify clude the thought that he hoped through the laws of .war are at last bearing abun- the subsidies to profit at the public expense. dant fruit. Many indeed are the different Nevertheless, the argument which he preprojects it has considered and the reforms sented with so much earnestness and force it has effected, such as matters relating to does not shake our conviction that the the international rights and obligations of granting of subsidies to special interests the individual, the discussion of marriage is in violation of the principles of public and divorce among nations, and the con- economy and public justice. sideration of legislation concerning lega- The argument appealed consecutively cies, wills, and the succession of property. to three powerful motives: The Institute elaborated the convention 1. The fear of war. for guaranteeing the neutralization and 2. The hope of gain. free use of the Suez Canal, suggested the 3. The love of country. basis for the European compact opening The appeal to the public fears was rhethe River Congo in Africa to the ships and torically the most striking. After stating commerce of all nations, and secured con- that ninety-two per cent. of all our exports ventions to protect submarine cables. are carried in the ships of three foreign Although the Institute is a purely advisory nations, he exclaimed : “Suppose war body, its moral influence and authority are breaks out between these powers. Suppose strongly felt throughout the world, and its their great navies begin to sweep the seas, wise and disinterested counsels so much destroying commerce and driving all merrespected that they have frequently been chant craft to havens of safety. What accepted by all enlightened governments becomes of us? How are we to keep our as the basis of beneficial international mills and factories going, our men emtreaties and conventions. During the last ployed? We would have distress, starvafew years this learned body has held tion, despair!” This lurid picture had meetings in the Palace of the Doges at evidently remained in the Senator's Venice, in the Royal Castle of Copenhagen, imagination since the days when he in the venerable University of Cambridge, denounced dependence on foreign trade and in The Hague during the coronation and contended that this Nation ought to of Queen Wilhelmina. This year it held tax its people to confine them to home its annual session in the picturesque town markets. It was strangely out of place in of Neuchâtel, Switzerland-a fitting spot his present contention that the Nation to select for its deliberations, as the illus- ought to tax its people in order to develop trious writer on international law, Emer de foreign trade. If our foreign trade is in Vattel, was born in that country, in Couret danger of being swept off the seas, then it His great work entitled “ Droit des Gens,” is the supremest folly to subsidize it when which abridged and systematized the inter- our merchants do not think it naturally national law of previous writers, such as profitable. As a matter of fact, however, Grotius, Puffendorf, and Wolf, was written a century's experience has taught us that in this place,

this danger is purely imaginary. Except

when our own embargo laws were in force, be slight. His fundamental assertion is our exports have steadily increased from that foreign ships carry freight so cheaply the beginning, without serious interruption that it does not pay our capitalists to even from the blockades and counter block- engage in the business. We think he ades of the Napoleonic wars. Further- overstates this point, for the recent more, international law now protects the activity in our ship-yards seems to show merchandise of neutrals even when carried that, with steel as cheap here as it is in enemies' ships. The only form of prop abroad, America can regain the position erty in danger of being swept from the she held in the world's carrying trade half seas in the event of war is the very mer- a century ago, when ships were made of chant marine in which Senator Hanna wood. But if Senator Hanna is right, and would subsidize American investments. foreign ship-owners are carrying freight

But the main argument of Senator Hanna too cheaply for American capitalists to was the gain which he believed a subsidy engage in the business, a subsidy limited to shipping would bring to other indus- to American ships would be the slowest tries. “The struggle for the world's com- possible method of securing a further merce," he said, “is becoming fierce; we reduction. We do not doubt Senator are now on the very firing-line. Already Hanna's sincerity, but the real object of our coal is going more and more abroad. the shipping subsidy is not to reduce We have the greatest resources in the freight rates, but to make it profitable for way of minerals in the whole world. We American ship-owners to perform the can capture and hold the iron and steel service now performed by foreigners. markets of the world. But to do so we This is also the most reasonable purpose must have cheap freight rates upon the of the bill. To Senator Hanna's credit, ocean. ... We are leaving in the hands he does not claim to be seeking employof foreigners millions upon millions of ment for American seamen. There are our trade balance because at the present few left in the foreign carrying trade, and time money earns better interest abroad the present bill requires only a small than here. Why should we not put some percentage of the sailors on the subsidized of our idle capital into the building of ships to be native Americans. There is no ships and sailing them for the benefit of way in which American capital is invested our producers and manufacturers ?” What so as to employ so little American labor Senator Hanna keeps continually in the as in the ocean carrying trade. Senator foreground is the benefit which the sub- Hanna frankly urges that he wants to find sidy would bring to the industries which employment for American capital. But is would pay it. Give the ship-owners he not here singularly inconsistent with $180,000,000, he says, and they will re- the Ohio statesman who used to urge so duce freight rates. How much they will strongly the advantage which came to reduce them he does not say. Give the America from the employment of foreign farm-owners $180,000,000, Senator Allen capital? We believe that this advantage is has rejoined, and they will reduce prices. real, and we therefore do not believe that Give the landlords $180,000,000, some it will pay the American people to tax themone else might say, and they will reduce selves in order to drive out foreign capital rents; or give the laborers $180,000,000 from their carrying trade and attract Ameriand they will reduce wages. In each can capital away from home investments. case a slight reduction might take place; Senator Hanna's peroration was an but in each case the law takes $180,000, appeal to patriotism. He wanted to put 000 from people who own it and gives it to the ship subsidy, he said, upon " higher people who do not, and lays upon the latter grounds than mere dollars and cents." no obligation to give anything in return. National pride and love of country, he When such a proposal is made to benefit urged, demanded that Americans should farmers or laborers, it is called legalized be subsidized to engage in the foreign robbery, or robbery without the qualifying carrying trade. The motives here apadjective. When it is made on behalf of pealed to are the strongest factors in our ship-owners, it is called practical business. public life, and if Senator Hanna's meas

Senator Hanna's own argument shows ure enlisted the finer pride or the higher that the reduction in freight rates would patriotism of the country it would be indorsed despite the loss it will bring to the United States and Great Britain to the public treasury. But the finer pride extend their joint support and protection of this Nation would not be evoked by the to any satisfactory canal company which spectacle of another powerful interest may undertake the work. This is, perprofiting by the taxation of the people. haps, an unobjectionable but it is also Nor is the higher patriotism of the coun- an unimportant clause. The interoceanic try stirred by the proposed commercial canal ought not to be a private property war upon the carrying trade of other owned by stockholders, even if the United nations. There are two forms of patriot- States is the controlling stockholder. It ism—the true and the false. The true should be a public waterway, open on patriotism is that which puts the good of equal terms to all peoples of all nations; one's country above the good of one's self- and if such a public waterway is open and of that patriotism we cannot have too and mutually guarded and protected by much. The false patriotism is that which the United States and England, it is diffiputs the good of one's country above the cult to see any reason why the United good of mankind—and of that patriotism States should assume the further responthe world is surfeited. Even if we did not sibility of guarding and protecting a rival recognize the presence of the moral law waterway owned by a private stock comthat with what measure we mete to other pany. nations it is always measured to us again, III. The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty prothe higher patriotism would still demand vides that neither Great Britain nor a commercial policy of international co- the United States shall ever obtain or operation and not one of international maintain any exclusive control over the conflict.

canal, but shall mutually guard the safety and neutrality of the canal, inviting all other nations to do the same. This was a wise provision when the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty was ratified and is a wise pro

vision now. The question whether the Amid all the perplexities into which the canal should be an American waterway public mind is thrown by the multitudi- like the Mississippi River or Long Island nous and perplexing amendments offered Sound, or an interoceanic waterway like to the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty in the United the Straits of Gibraltar or the Straits of States Senate, there are a few principles Dover, is a fair question on which honest which appear to us simple and clear. men may differ in opinion. In our judg

1. The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty provides ment, every interest both of America and that neither Great Britain nor the United of the world at large favors the second of States shall ever take possession of any part these two policies. It is true that an interof Central America, nor sortify any part of oceanic canal between the Atlantic and tie same, nor establish any colonies there. Pacific Oceans would tend to facilitate, in Whether this treaty was wise at the time time of war, the westward passage of a fleet or not, it is not wise now to reaffirm any intent on bombarding our Pacific coast. such agreement. America should leave But the way to protect the Pacific coast herself free, and, if she is not free, should, in such an exigency would be to meet the if possible, secure freedom, to enter into fleet by our own fleet in the open waters, whatever relations she pleases with Central not at the gateway of the canal by fortifiAmerican and South American Republics. cations. Moreover, this exigency is exceedThat it will ever be wise for her to estab- ingly unlikely to arise. The only conlish a protectorate over them, or make ceivable peril would be from a British fleet, them colonies, or receive them into the and it is far easier, cheaper, and better to United States as an integral part thereof, safeguard our interests from possible is very doubtful; but if the question ever attack by Great Britain by means of mutual arises, she should be free to decide it agreement than by anticipations of attack with no other interests to consider but her and preparations to repel it. own and those of the particular States The true statesman looks to the future. involved.

It is clear to one who does thus look II. The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty pledges to the future that, as the issue of the

The Isthmian Canal and

the Treaties

past was between Anglo-Saxon and Latin the nineteenth century. They have also civilization, so the issue of the future is been remarkable for leading the way in between Anglo-Saxon and Slavic civiliza- not a few valuable reforms in democratic tions. The competing powers of the administration, and in some economic twentieth century will be England and experiments in government likely to be of the United States, with probably Germany service to the world at large. To them and Japan as allies, on the one hand, and America as well as England has owed the Russia, with possibly France as an ally, on Australian ballot ; and in her fourteen the other. The wise statesman will make thousand miles of government railroads every provision possible by establishing and forty-eight thousand miles of governcordial relations between all the kindred ment telegraphs she is giving other and races for the final victory of the Anglo- older countries valuable object-lessons Saxon type of civilization. How far the which cannot fail to be of increasing financial interests of the Panama Canal value. Company, benton preventing a rival water- England has crowned a long series of way, and the financial interests of the services rendered by her to her colonies · Pacific railroads, bent on preventing any in Australia by allowing the people themwaterway, are responsible for the opposi- selves a perfectly free hand in forming a tion in the Senate to the Hay-Pauncefote Federal Constitution. The Constitution Treaty, we do not know. We are loth to thus formed is a singular compromise in give credence to unauthenticated rumors many respects between those of this of this description. But it is to us clear country and of Canada, with some prothat the Senate and the Administration visions added which are more democratic should unite in securing, first, a water than either. Unlike the Canadian Conway between the oceans not owned by stitution, that of the new Commonwealth stockholders, private or public; and, confines the powers of the Federal Parliasecondly, this waterway made interna- ment and Executive strictly to the subtional and dependent for its protection, jects and within the limits expressly not on United States forts at its gateway assigned to them by the terms of the Conor in its center, but upon the agreement stitution ; on the other hand, it enlarges of the civilized world to preserve it, as it the scope of those subjects by the addipreserves other international waterways tion of some very important ones not recogwhich are neither private nor national nized by our own Constitution as Federal property.

concerns. Among these are the laws of marriage and divorce, labor legislation

generally—including arbitration and oldThe Australian Common- age pensions and the exclusive right to

embody and control any armed force wealth

within the Commonwealth. But while the On the first day of the new century the scope of Federal control is thus extended six colonies of Australia will become in some directions, it is curtailed in others. finally merged in “ The Commonwealth The vast landed estate of the public-of Australia.” The event is one of more amounting still to nearly nineteen hundred than common importance, not only to the millions of acres-- will not vest in the Compeople of the Pacific continent, but also monwealth, but will remain under State to the whole of the British Empire, and control ; navigable lakes and rivers situeven, though less directly, to the civilized ated entirely within the limits of a single world. So far the history of the English State, as most of them are, will remain colonies of Australia has been one of under State management; and while the remarkable success. As separate and telegraph and telephone services will go self-governing communities they have in with the post office to the Federal Governless than fifty years gone far to development, the property and management of the resources of a country as large as the the public railroads will remain with the United States, and in doing so have them- States, except in so far as their use is selves become apparently the richest com- required for purposes of military transmunity, in proportion to their numbers, port. which the world can show at the close of The Executive of the new Common

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