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has taken place, I have watched the movements of the chairman of the Committee on Internal Improvements, and verily believe, if ever a man was actuated by pure and disinterested motives, having the welfare of the Union in view, and that alone, in reference to any measure, the venerable head of our committee has been so influenced, guided, and directed. In addition to the recommendations of this route from the several committees referred to, it is recommended by the officers of the engineer corps, who, it will not be pretended, could have had any personal interest in the recommendation. An examination of their report will acquaint us with the reasons and grounds of their preference. Among other reasons by which all should be influenced, we are told that, if hereafter it should be thought advisable to Macadamize the road, the expense of Macadamizing the western route would not be so great as either of the other routes, by twelve hundred thousand dollars. So far, then, as expense is concerned, and judging from the information which comes before me, together with the recommendation of the present and former committee, I am led to conclude that the western is the preferable route for us to adopt. Let it be remembered, that, in settling this question, we are not to be governed exclusively by a state of things which may now exist, but should look forward to the future; and although the population on a particular route may be sparse at present, we must look to the resources of the country as the will exist when fully developed by the facilities which suc an avenue and communication as this road will open to them. We are not to legislate in this matter for to-day, but for years and centuries to come. For myself, I am, perhaps, less encumbered in giving a vote, than some gentlemen may be. I have no constitutional scruples to impede me, nor have I any difference from a former course to embarrass me. I shall vote now as I have voted heretofore, for my course has, on questions of this description, been uniforim—the same yesterday, to day, and, with my present convictions, will be forever. As to local feelings, thank God, there are none to divert me. I have none to lead me to prefer the upper to the lower route; my great desire has been to ascertain which would be best for the country at large; and, if I have been so fortunate as to make this discovery, I am satisfied. I might, in that spirit of selfish feeling which has been manifested by many gentlemen who have addressed the committee in relation to this road, inquire, what has been done by this Government for Rhode Island The answer must be, nothing to its internal condition by appropriations for roads and canals; not a dollar to give usuew roads, or to improve the condition of our old ones. I am happy in

saying we want no money from the public chest for that

purpose; our common roads are better than the best turnpikes in this part of the country, and our best better than all the money in the treasury, or all the surplus fund, when the national debt is paid, can make some roads here. In relation to the general distribution, it may be said we have had our share on other subjects, and, if it has been a small one, it has been in proportion to the comparative size of our State. What has it been? I was so fortunate once, and not without a struggle, (and, in effecting what I had in view, I received more aid from the other branch of the legislature than this,) as to procure for the improvement of one of the harbors in Rhode Island an appropriation of four thousand dollars; this sum, I contend, was not for our exclusive benefit, any more than the several lighthouses on our points and promontories; it was for the benefit of the navigation and commerce of the whole country. But it may be retorted, that very important fortifications have been projected, and actually commenced in Rhode Island. It is true these works are within our State; but I do not consider Rhode Island under any special ob. ligation to the Government, because the erection of these fortifications was not from any special regard to us. *: Wol. WI-97.

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The appropriations were the necessary result of our pe. culiar situation in reference to the coast of the Union. Without these fortifications one link would have been wanting in the d chain of defences of our seaboard; without fortifying Newport, neither New York nor the Chesapeake could be defended. From the communications which were made by the Executive at the commencement of the session, it appears that his eyes, the attention of the Secretary of the Navy, and the Board of Navy Commissioners, have been directed to the waters of Narragansett Bay, in Rhode Island, as a place for one of the grand naval establishments of the country. And why? Because that State had any claim for large appropriations for her benefit? Not at all; but, owing to our location, it has been found that our waters, our noble and capacious harbors, presented a better place for a naval depot than was elsewhere to be found. I am still, therefore, warranted in saying, that, in regard to any improvement of the resources of the country, nothing, or next to nothing, has been done or projected for the State from which Icome. Yet I am not, because the Government has been less liberal in its grants than many in the State that I represent could wish, or perhaps all desire, to be influenced by sectional considerations or sectional designs. Is this any reason why I should withhold, my support from any object which is national in its character? *... not. A gentleman from New York [Mr. Monell] said, a few days ago, that his State had knocked at your door in vain; and because the gentleman's State received nothing, he is now opposed to this bill. He should recollect, more especially as he seems to have some constitutional scruples, that the legislature of his State had none, for the appointment of agents to solicit the aid of Government in constructing their great canal was a recognition of the constitutional power to aid works of this kind. Other reasons might have induced the refusal, beside opposition to the principle of internal improve: ments; the party then in power might have been opposed to appropriations for internal improvements; but since a change has taken place in this respect, is their conduct on that occasion a good reason for voting against this bill now Surely not. The Government of the United States, at the time that application was made, might not have been in a situation, from inability, to grant the aid solicited. But it is not too late for New York to obtain the aid of this Government for enlarging her system of internal improvements, and extending them still farther than at present. She has, from all that appears, a disposition to do this; two bills have been reported at this session, to authorize subscriptions to the stock of two of her canals; inceptive measures have been taken to the improvement of the naviga. tion of the Hudson; an appropriation has been made to defray the expense of a survey of a canal to be cut through a neck of land near Hurl Gate; we have been notified that something will be hereafter required to improve the navigation of Black river. Has New York in fact received no aid Nothing to aid her in constructing a national road, although a military road has been commenced at Plattsburg, and partly finished, the whole expense of which has been borne by the United States; another has been projected from Albany to Sackett's Harbor. , Has she received no money for internal improvements? What has become of the appropriations for Oswego, for Black Rock, for Buffalo, and other places bordering upon the lakes 1 Yet we are told, because New York once applied and was refused, either because the party which then constituted a majority in the House was opposed to internal improvements, or the treasury then too much embarrassed to af. ford the grant, now the members from that State are bound to refuse to contribute their aid to a design connected with the common good of our common country.

Here Mr. STORRS, of New York, interrupted Mr. P., and asked what benefit this road would be to the people

he represented.].

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I know [said Mr. P.] this is the argument of the opposition to this bill—an argument which, if it obtains, Ji. stroy not only this, but every bill that may be hereafter reported, to improve the internal condition of the country. I hoped for better things from that gentleman, when he told us he was in favor of appropriations for internal improvements, and had heretofore voted for them. Not a cent of the amount appropriated will reach my district. This has been rung through all the changes, not only by those who are opposed to the system altogether, and will be opposed, as we are told by them, as long as they have tongues to utter their sentiments, or judgments to direct their conduct, but it seems now to be adopted by the gentleman from New York. Not a cent of the appropriations É. to Oneida county, New York. He would vote for the elaware breakwater, because that work was national, and the State of New York was interested in it, although not a cent of the appropriation ever reached his district. If I correctly understood the gentleman, when he addressed the committee a few days ago, he labored to persuade us to withhold our support from this bill, because the appropriation required might interfere with other works; works rhaps in which New York might have a more direct interest. In what do arguments of this description originate, except that selfish sectional feeling, the fallacy and unsoundness of which I have endeavored to combat, and shall further expose before I conclude. I should suppose the gen: tleman is more proud of his State, in consequence of the construction of the Erie canal. Is he unwilling to look back to that period of time when this great work was proÉ." and examine the objections which existed to it? ow did they differ from the objections urged against this bill? Every county in the State through which it was not to pass, was opposed to it, and opposed for reasons similar to those which are given against this bill. Long Island, Delaware county, the counties upon the Hudson, the counties east of Albany were all opposed to the work, not only because it would confer no benefits on them, but would make their situation absolutely worse, lessen the price of the products of their soil, as it opened a quick and cheap conveyance from the interior and extreme parts of the State to the great market and place of deposit in the city of New York. Yet, sir, those objections to that work did not prevail, and I trust the similar ones to this bill will not. Another gentleman from the State of New York, [Mr. ANGEL) visits this road, not as angel, or minister of grace, to give to it his aid, but to condemn this and all similar works: at a proper time he is to alter the title of the bill, and call this a road leading from Buffalo, via Washington, to despotism. He does not wish any part of the State of New §. contaminated by it, although he is perfectly willing Pennsylvania should be. The gentleman, sir, may speak the sentiments of the people of the district from which he comes, as that district, as I have understood, has been generally opposed to works of internal improvements —was opposed to the Erie canal; but I am not willing to admit that he is the organ of the State of New York. Let this road be made, and his State will be as pure and uncontaminated as she now is, as pure as Pennsylvania, and that will be saying sufficient of that State. One would suppose that this gentleman belonged as much to Virginia as New York, and was a disciple of the new school of Virginia politics. A gentleman from Virginia [Mr. ABChER] seems willing to give up the glory of this opposition on behalf of Virginia, and transfer it to New York, with a view, as one would suppose, to work on the feelings and enlist the prejudices of the delegation of that State. Another gentleman from the State of New York, [Mr. Mosell.] whose remarks I have already referred to, has called the attention of the committee to an attempt made a few years ago, as he says, to exact a transit, duty from the boats on the New York canal. But I ask, did this Government ever

make such a demand? I know, indeed, there was some correspondence between the comptroller and the canal commissioners; but both the late President and the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States disavowed all intention to enforce such a demand; yet we have had this old, worn out story brought forward on the present occasion, to influence the New York delegation. It may be very good policy—thirty-four votes, this New York regiment, as the delegation from that State were once called o the predecessor of my friend, now near me, [Mr. IRwin, of Pennsylvania,] are not to be marched out of sight when an important point is to be gained. The gentleman has supposed the case of a collision between the State authorities and those of the United States, which must be settled by the Supreme Court, while that tribunal, he has graciously told us, would instantly settle in favor of the Government of the United States. Why, sir, this thrust at that court Can no question be discussed without implicating that institution That court, it seems, can never show the least regard to a claim, however just, of a State against the General Government. Now, sir, I ask, has there been anything in the decisions of that court heretofore, to authorize this stab at its reputation 1 I repel the charge, I was going to add, with indignation. I will say, however, the remark is gratuitous and unfounded. The gentleman knows as well as I do, that the members of that court, whether collectively or individually, have too much selfrespect to make any decision that will justify this insinuation. But to return to the road provided for in the bill. Is it not such as the present circumstances of the country will fully warrant Is it not calculated to improve the eondition of the country? To strengthen the bonds of union, and brighten the chain of mutual intercourse # Will it not confer a benefit on the people at large Surely the nation is in as good a situation for undertakings of this kind now, as it ever has been heretofore. What, then, is the cause of this hue and cry? Is not our national debt nearly paid And, when paid, are not apprehensions expressed that the surplus revenue will be divided among the several States? In that event what is to become of internal improvements, or works of a national character Gentlemen tell us that the States must be left to accomplish these works themselves; that is, when they can agree among themselves that a certain work is expedient and proper. And who does not see that the will of a single State is sufficient to defeat every undertaking of the kind As an illustration of this truth, gentlemen have only to look at this very road. It passes through seven of the States. Pennsylvania is in favor of it: so is Tennessee, and so are the States farther south; but all their contributions are to be rendered void, because Virginia, perchance, is unwilling to engage in the undertaking, and because New York will not pay for about one hundred miles of the road that may pass through her territory. So it will happen with respect to every national design. The tenacity, not to say the obstinacy, of one or two States will defeat the whole. The case, therefore, resolves itself into this question: shall the system of internal improvements continue, or shall it not # If yea, they must be done by the nation in its collective capacity—the States will never combine in any such scheme. In still further prosecution of that appeal to sectional views which has characterized this debate, it has been said by gentlemen from Tennessee, upper Virginia, and a portion of Pennsylvania, that not one cent has yet been granted from the treasury for their benefit. This argument is surely not a good one, and would not be entitled to such consideration if it stood alone; but it is a useful one, as it comes home to their feelings. Did those gentlemen withhold their aid to works of internal improvement, because they were in other States? No, we are told they did not. Has upper Pennsylvania ever acted on this principle Is there one gentleman from that, or any other part of that State, who can withhold his vote from this o Did they withhold

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their votes (the gentlemen from the interior of that State) owing to the greater facilities of communication, and trans

from the Delaware breakwater So far from it, that an
honorable gentleman through whose district this road will
F. [Mr. RAM.sey] as he now tells me, offered the reso-
ution which first directed the attention of the House to a
consideration of that work; then, as the Delaware and
Chesapeake canal, when the question of subscription of
stock to that canal was under consideration, where is the
evidence of the hostile feelings from the sectional interests
of Western Pennsylvania, Tennessee, or Kentucky : The
gentlemen of those States, superior to the interests of
mere sectional interest, did not withhold their votes from
the subscription of stock. How many days ago is it since
a bill for light-houses, harbor improvements, and surveys,
sed this House, making an appropriation of more than
alf a million of dollars? In the common language of the
day—not intending to adopt it as correct—for whose bene-
fit? Of Kentucky? No, sir. Of western Virginia? No.
Of western Pennsylvania? No; not a cent for either of
those sections of the country. Louisiana, indeed, re-
ceived some partial benefit, but a greater proportion of the
money went to New York and the eastern States. When
that bill was under consideration, it was not opposed by
the arguments now used in opposition to this, by gentle-
men from the West, or any other quarter. And we are
called upon to refuse this road, because the money does not
go to those districts One gentleman said the design was
not national, and that it would interfere with harbor im-
vements, and other works which he called national;
ut now the harbor bill has passed, and that gentleman
represents an interest where there are no navy yards, no
harbor improvements; has he, I must again ask him, no
pride in the reputation of his State? And is not his sup-
port due from that State O, no. Not a centhas been given
to his constituents, not a dollar has been appropriated for
fortifications in his district. This argument gives up the
Union entirely, and we may as well say so now as at any
other time. I again say that when our surplus revenue
shall have been divided among the States, no object truly na:
tional can be accomplished. Instead of being less, there will
be ten times more local feelings than now : the language
of one State will be, I am in the interior of the country; the
Atlantic States must take care of the seaboard; and they,
in reply, will say, let the West and the States upon our
northern frontiers protect themselves, develop their own
resources, and improve their condition. I do insist that if
any thing . is to be done, the General Government
is the power that must do it. It must be done by the
United States, or not at all. I have once adverted to the
operation of local feelings, even among gentlemen com-
ing from the West—the same section of country. Not a
session commences that is not opened with a dance about
the western armory. One gentleman moves Pittsburg,
one Beaver river, and another, the Horse Shoe bend; and
what is the result We get rid of the appropriation alto-
gether, with no disposition to withhold it, because they
cannot agree where it is to be applied. I view this sub:
ject of internal improvements as necessarily connected
with another important policy of the country—I mean the
protection of national industry. They must go hand, in
hand, mutually aiding and reciprocating their benefits:
What are some of the objects to be effected by them
Cheaper transportation and cheaper productions. . Is it not
manifest that the cheaper the raw material can be trans-
ported, the cheaper the goods can be sold? The cheap.
er they can be brought to market, the lower will be the
market price
I have been served this session with a copy (and I pre-
sume the other members have) of a communication made
by an English writer, whose object is to show that the
French manufactures cannot long sustain themselves, as
land can manufacture cheaper, and consequently un-
dersell them. The main argument used is, that in England,

portation of both the raw material and manufactured goods, the necessary result of the roads, railways, and canals of that country, they can be furnished at a lower price. The manufactures of one nation will always put down those of another where the material is cheaper, and there is a greater facility of transportation. If it is true in England, It is true here; and though there may be members of this House in favor of internal improvements, and of this road, and yet not in favor of the tariff, the argument I have last advanced will have weight with all those who are in favor of the tariff. What are the main objections urged against the bill? It is truly amusing to observe the various speculations which have been conjured up as arguments against its passage. For the purpose of addressing one peculiar feeling of the House, it has been said that the Executive is wholly hostile to the design. To gain another portion of it, we have been told that he was warmly in its favor, and anxious for its success. One gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Polk] has read to us, in terrorem, a long extract from his message, in which he is particular to show his friendly feelings to works of internal improvements. Both of the statements made in relation to him cannot be true; but, for my own part, I am not to be influenced by one or the other. From all that I have seen and heard, I am led to believe that the Chief Magistrate will not, by any act of his, impede the progress of this design. I think he cannot but feel some regard for the opinion of the legislature of his adopted State, which has been expressed in favor of the undertaking. I should think it natural that he should feel some regard for the glories of his own administration. Peace has its glories, as well as war; and what, I ask, can add so bright a halo to the splendor of his reign, as the completion of this road, of the Chesapeake and Ohio canal, and the other works of internal improvements which have been projected The laurels gathered at New Orleans, plenteous as was the harvest, are “trifles light as air," in comparison with the glory of having these great works of national improvement begun or o: during his Presidency. On retiring from office, he might then say, in the language of one of the Latin poets, without incurring the imputation of egotism, which has been ascribed to that poet:

“Exegi monumentum aere perennius.”

What are the monuments of Eg o or the pyramids erected to perpetuate the folly or idolatry of an age, com: pared with these works, one of which cost more than all the money which this nation has disbursed, or will soon be required to disburse, on account of works of internal improvement.” If any one consideration more than another would make a seat in this House desirable, to me it appears it would be that which would hereafter authorize us to say that we have, as the representatives of the nation, contri uted our share to the commencement and the completion of these works. Of all such it may with propriety be hereafter said, in the language of another of the Latin poets, whose sentiments I will endeavor to render in English-‘Happy, thrice happy, did you but know, did you but realize, what happiness was yours.” The measure of our glory would be full, and we need not aspire to anything more to render our names illustrious, or cause them to be held in grateful remembrance. Away, then, with these stories

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Pyramid of Cheops.-Of the pyramids of Egypt, the largest, that of Cheops, is a square of seven hundred and forty-six feet, and its height four hundred and sixty-one, being twenty-four feet higher than St. Peter's at Rome, and one hundred and seventeen feet higher than St. Paul's. The quantity of stone which it contains is calculated at six millions of tons, which is three times that employed in the breakwater at Plymouth, and has been calculated by *French engineer to be sufficient to build a wall round the whole of France,

ten feet high and one foot broad. . Its area at the base is, as near as may be, that of Lincoln's Inn fields. -

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about the influence of this or of that feeling retarding a great national design.

It is too late now for gentlemen from the tide water of Virginia to spread before us their hair-spun theories. The system had made its way down the side of the mountain; it is making its triumphant way to the South, “conquering and to conquer.” The voice raised in South Carolina has reverberated along the highlands of Virginia, and the ery of North Carolina now is, “..what shall we do to be saved?” In reference to the western feelings and western claims, such is my opinion of their equity, that even if I had any conscientious scruples with regard to them, I would at least endeavor to divest myself of them. My word for it, if you withhold from the West what she now asks as a favor, you will hear, ere long, the same requirement in the form of a demand. Do gentlemen forget at what ratio the number and influence of the nine States in the valley of the Mississippi are increasing : Why, if I ever had any hostile feelings towards the West—and to all such feelings Rhode Island and New England are strangers—I would endeavor to make my peace quickly, while I was in the way with her. What Bishop of Cloyne said of North America, compared with England, may with equal truth be now said of the South or the East, viewed in reference to their relative future consequence, when compared with the West:

“Westward the star of Empire takes its way.
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“Time's noblest offspring is his last.”

We may withhold favors from them now, or deny to them what is justly their due, but, rely upon it, we shall hereafter feel their power and the weight of their influence. Already the West has given us one President, and unless I am greatly mistaken, she will not be satisfied with giving us one, but we shall have another, and another, and another. Is it then good policy for us to throw obstacles in the * of their improvements? To the West, I say, we must look for our next President. It is not my province to designate or name the man; he who is now at the head of the nation may be the man; the late distinguished Secretary of State may be the man; the late distinguished Postmaster General may be called upon to exchange the iudicial robe for the Presidential chair; in addition to these illustrious men, I might point to a late distinguished Senator, now a member of this House, a gentleman decked with laurels and covered with wounds received in fighting the battles of his country. To me it is morally certain that South Carolina and New York might as well hang their harps upon the willow, for at least the next four ears, General Duff Green and Lieutenant James Watson ebb, if they please, to the contrary notwithstanding. During this debate I have listened with great attention, and pleasure, too, to two venerable gentlemen, one from Tennessee...[Mr. StanpireR) and the other from Penn: sylvania, [Mr. RAM.sey]; their powerful appeals, addressed to their respective colleagues, ought not to be disregarded; they have told the House that whatever we may do on this floor, the people will ere long declare for themselves what is their will on this subject. The language of the gentleman from Tennessee was the language of plain, sound, practical common sense. He told us this bill was to result in the benefit of those on whom still rested the primeval curse, and who lived literally by the sweat of their brow. He told us the yeomanry of the country were desirous of an opportunity to convert their toil into money. I confess that appeal from such a quarter had a powerful effect on me—an effect which I could not have been able to resist, had my prejudices been enlisted on the opposite

side of the pending question. But we were told by one of the gentlemen from Virginia, [Mr. P. P. BARBour] that the money asked for this design could be better used. He said that the duties on coffee, paid by Virginia alone, amount in the course of a

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single year to one hundred and thirty thousand dollars, and that if, instead of wasting money on this road, we would consent to take off these duties, Virginia would be richer by that amount, and that one hundred and thirty thousand dollars may then be applied by that State to the construction of roads and canals. He affirmed that seven millions may be dispensed with from the revenue, and that sum can be equally well distributed. Now, I am in favor of repealing the duty on coffee in toto; and as Virginia will then have one hundred and thirty thousand dollars to be applied to internal improvements, taking the gentleman at his word, I think we may call upon that State to appropriate money to that amount. But if she shall be disposed to answer the call, how can she collect the money? If she does it at all, she must do it by direct taxation, the most odious and burdensome of all modes in which contributions of the people can possibly be rendered. How will the collector be met! hen he asks for this new duty, he is, I .. to tell the people—you ought not to complain, your burdens have been lightened by a repeal of one hundred and thirty thousand dollars of the revenue; and how would he be answered? Mr. Collector, that is nothing to me; that is no relief to me; I have houses and lands, I use no coffee; at any rate, I am not compelled to use it; I will not pay your tax. Such must be the natural effect; an effect in which doubtless the gentleman will rejoice, because its tendency is to foster and strengthen a prejudice against internal improvements. And this brings me back to the question whether we are to have any internal improvements at all. Gentlemen cannot say that they expect by direct taxation to collect a sum such as shall avail for the accomplishment of any work of national importance. And how shall we know when either to begin or end, in making our exactions for revenue? We must retain enough to meet contiugencies, and defray the expenses of Government. And suppose you have in the national treasury only one million, an amount that none will say is too large, will there not be just as great a scramble, and just as many squabbles for that single million, as there is now for ten times as great a sum. We shall have all the difficulties that we have now, while at the same time we have little or nothing to appropriate for the great objects of national policy. And here let me drop one word as to an argument which is very common in this House, but which addresses itself to the worst feelings of human nature—the argument is, that other sections needed the benefit as much as that which happens to be presented to the House. Admit it. Must we, therefore, refuse all Because we cannot do every thing at once, must we, therefore, do nothing? Because we cannot benefit all the districts in the United States pari passu, is this any argument why we should not begin to benefit any? This argument would have prevented all that we have ever done. In the lan submitted to Congress for the fortifications of our seaard, designed for the Union, were all reported as works to be commenced at once? No; they were reported in classes, and numbered from one to five. Some would require more time to finish them than others. Might not this argument have been used in that case? Might not gentlemen have contended then, as now, that all these objects were needed? that one part of the country had as good a right to be defended as another; and, as we could not go on with all, we ought not to begin either? It comes to the same thing, because we cannot do everything we must do nothing. , Let me now advert more particularly to the constitutional argument. It is said this road is not needed, either as a military, a commercial, or a mail road—that the interest of the money will costus one hundred and thirty thousand dollars a year, and that sum will consequently be the expense of transporting the mail from Buffalo to New Orleans. This argument goes manifestly on the ground that the present state of things is to exist forever, and because there is no com

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merce now immediately on the route contemplated by this road, that there will continue to be none after the road is made.... So, because there is no war at present, therefore the military power of the Government does not authorize us at this time to engage in the undertaking. Gentlemen might just as well say that a man cannot be a soldier unless he is constantly fighting. The nation is not now at war, and of course it has not any munitions of war to carry; but does that prove it never will have Another gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Coke] tells us that roads are only needed where there is a dense population; but if a part of the country happens at this moment to be secluded from public view, it must always remain so, and its population must be always sparse, for the very reason it is so secluded. Why, if this country, through which, or near which this road is to run, had already all the benefits it would derive from the road, it is very plain that it would not want the road. But the great purpose of the road is to dispense those very benefits. Must the mail start from Buffalo and go all the way to New Orleans in one route, in order to constitute this a mail road? Surely not. It may be employed as a part of several routes, and the making of it will be warranted by the powers of the Government, in respect to the mail. Another argument of the modern Virginia school is derived from the unequal bearing of appropriations of this kind. This argument, if admitted, would strike at once at the root of all the fiscal operations of the Government. It is a manifest impossibility that this Government should distribute its funds with exact mathematical equality, as if the whole surface of the country was a plain, and these distributions were to fall upon it as one vast sheet of water. Such a state of things is impossible; it is forbidden by locality, and the situation of our country. It cannot be exected unless you raise all the valleys, and sink all the É.i. Nor can any one appropriation be made by the Government, the benefits of which shall be equally felt in all parts of the country. All our appropriations are unequal, and must be so of necessity; and the same inequality would exist, and does exist, in appropriations made by the State authorities. I would ask these gentlemen from Virginia, whether the money appropriated for the capitol at Richmond was an equal distribution of the money of the people of that State?—whether the moneys granted for the erec: tion of court-houses in the several counties are not local appropriations?. The money for these objects is raised taxation over all Virginia: but what benefit did the people in the western counties receive from the erection of so costly a building at Richmond It is all idle to talk in this manner. Inequality is inherent in the nature of all human society. The same argument would prove that one individual must not be appointed to a foreign mission, because there are others equally fit for the place, and who have equal claims on the Government for the same. It might with equal truth be maintained that the present distinguished occupant of the chair should not have been chosen Speaker, because there are other members of this House who would discharge the duties of presiding officer as well as he does This is the amount of the gentleman's argument. But, in addition to this, we find the old string has been pulled upon—the payment of the national debt is to be retarded—a bugbear which regularly makes its passage over the stage whenever any useful project is moved here which is to cost a little money. But, sir, that debt is so nearly discharged, and its payment so o within our wer, that that argument is entitled to but little weight. #. gentleman from Virginia carried us back so far as to the year 1688, when the public debt of England was but one million, and now it is more than a million of millions. very true, sir; and what then? That debt, however great, is owed to her own citizens; and, be it great or small, it was not contracted by works of internal improvement. But while the gentleman held up one picture to terrify the

by mail, war, and all other purposes of travel.

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House, might he not, on the other hand, have presented to its view another picture, showing how, by her works of internal improvements, and her vast system of domestic industry, England has been able to sustain the pressure of such a debt, and to remain strong and prosperous, and to march with a bold and firm step, though pressed by such a burden ; The Government could not have borrowed unless her citizens were able and willing to lend. So the i. argument goes only to prove that internal inustry enabled the people of that little island to lend their Government a million of millions of pounds sterling. England knows where her strength lies, and she has wisely pursued a policy to foster it. By this she has been enabled to monopolize the market for all those resources of strength which grow out of her internal improvements and active industry. By this she has been enabled to subsidize all the Powers of Europe, and to make herself a party to all the battles of the world. Every body will admit that the present dynasty of France has no very particular attachment to the memory of Bonaparte, and yet we see them, from necessity, pursuing the course of his policy, and endeavoring to augment her internal resources. When that blood-stained conqueror was chained to a rock in the midst of the sea, what was it that furnished consolation to his reflections? His thousand victories his bloody laurels 3 No! he himself declared that it was the remembrance that he had improved the condition of France, and that his works of internal improvement were of themselves enough to make his name immortal. With these works, and with his code of laws, he could have afforded to dispense with all his victories. One of the gentlemen from Virginia [Mr. Coke] repre: sented the mountains of Tennessee as being of such a stupendous height as to render the road to New Orleans of no practical utility, I do not pretend to an intimate acquaintance with the geography of that portion of the Union; but of this I am sure, that piling up Pelion upon Ossa, will never raise a valid objection to this design, be the mountains what they may ; the road can never come in contact with them. The gentleman has relied mainly on Dr. Morse as his authority; (now he could not push that authority very far in Rhode Island, I can tell him;) and on that authority he tells us of the wide and noble rivers which penetrate that region, and which he seems to think are themselves an all-sufficient highway for commerce, But what says the gentleman from Tennessee, who lives upon the spot? He tells you, that during three-fourths of the year these roads are of no service whatever, their channels being often so dry as to admit walking over them. And as to these Alpine mountains, which seem to have towered so much in the gentleman's speech, they are not so high as he imagines; and, whatever their height, they are mountains of ore, and contain resources which will furnish commerce for the road to carry. We have two armories—and he tells us, if ever we have another, it will not be located on this road, and the road will be useless. Is the gentleman sure that there never will be more than two armories in the United States ? Is he quite sure that this road will never be employed for the march of an army? What is this argument but to declare that we are not in peace to prepare for war? Will not the same doctrine prove that we are not to increase our navy; that we are not to fortify our coasts? But it seems that we are to reject this bill for consistency's sake. Because the Jackson party raised a hue and cry about Executive influence, and about the shameful waste of money by employing the engineers to make surveys in various parts of the Union, we must, out of consistency and pride of character, refuse this bill, and even that for the usual annual appropriation for surveys. Why,

is it an incredible thing that that hue and cry was raised for mere political effect 3. Is it too much to suppose that

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