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their pay, without deserving it by merit. The best way, therefore, seems to be, for a statesman to leave the matter as he finds it, until the people complain. They know how we stand; and if we are entitled by law to more than we deserve, they will demand that we shall set the matter right. I have heard of no voice of complaint among them. Their minds are tranquil, and have settled down for many years with contentment upon the present rate of compensation. They know that we are the nearest power of the Government to themselves—the representatives of their wisdom, their virtue, their feelings, and their patriotism—and they have not demanded of us to cut down our compensation below that of clerks in the public offices; nay, even below that of the humblest messenger employ. ed about this hall. Under these circumstances, I regret that this measure has been brought forward at a period of the session when it can produce no practical result, except that of displacing business well matured, and delaying the action of the House upon measures, the progress of which the public eye is watching, and in relation to the fate of id: the public feeling is now engaged. Sir, it appears to me that an economist of time could hardly have been less fortunate in the selection of an occasion, or a mode of doing public service. The question of compensation, as presented in the resolution, comes in a form as boxious and offensive as could possibly have been given to it. so far as my recollection ranges over the history of representative governments and deliberate assemblies, whe ther in free or monarchical countries, I can bring to mind no example or precedent, no proceeding that bears any likeness or parallel to this. It has at least one merit, that of originality of invention. Of what character is it? Is its object to produce: deeds of patriotism, of honor—to advance the interests and extend the renown of our country, by appealing to our nobler feelings? No-but by address. ing itself to the base and sordid passions—to those feel. ings which actuate the most degraded and worst of mankind. Looking at the ancient republics, we find that they, when they wished to elicit deeds worthy of a free people, addressed themselves to the higher feelings, to the patriotism, the love of country—the honor and integrity of their public functionaries. That is the mode in which I ...} like to see the lagging integrity, the slow attention, the wandering thoughts, of this assembly, if such things be urged into concentration and quickened into action. We have fallen on evil times indeed, if our bosoms can respond to nothing but such a call as this. We have experienced a rapid and premature decay, if at the end of fifty years after the declaration of independence, and be: fore the last, lingering, and almost hallowed footsteps of one of those who proclaimed it, have left the earth, we have so lost its spirit, become so degenerate in purpose, as to be urged to duty and honor by no other incentive than a small pecuniary penalty hanging over our heads! Sir, we are required to perform an undefined and undefinable amount and extent of legislation, to provide for the interests, wants, and exigencies of twelve millions of peo: le, and a vast extent of country, in a specified time, or be ned for it. Knowledge and wisdom are thus to be measured by hours, and patriotism by dollars. The iron bed of Procrustes is the only thing I know, to which the resolution bears a resemblance. The reproach which the resolution conveys, (not designed, I am sure, by the gentleman who offered it,) may be correct or not. I will not undertake to say that the majority of gentlemen on this floor are induced to waste the time, and lengthen out the session, for the purpose of receiving their per diem allowance. There are many members, of whose character, standing, and virtue, I am unacquainted, (the gentleman from South Carolina has more experience than I have,) but there are many with whom I am acquainted; of these last I can say with confidence and candor, that they are not influenced by mercena

ry motives, and that while they remain here they are influenced by a sense of public duty, and sustain an actual pecuniary loss. But to them money is not the primary motive to action. Other and more exalted motives actuate them. To them absence from kind friends, from their accustomed scenes, from the domestic hearth, which I trust comes home to the bosoms of all who are entrusted with a seat on this floor, is sufficiently painful—spring re

turns, but not to them return its accustomed joys—daily

and hourly they are recalled to the scenes of their home— their hearts yearn after their wives, children, and friends, but public duty, their obligations to their constituents, keep them here. When they have accepted the honor conferred on them, they will remain here so long as duty requires them. To such men this resolution only offers insult—it is addressed to them in vain. But it seems to be addressed to men of different mould, with whom it may be supposed the gentleman from South Carolina has “sounded the depths and shoals of honor;" and I would ask the gentleman whether even as to them it is not bottomed on a wrong estimate of human nature. Upon the principle of the resolution they are selfish. #. have no care for, and pay no regard to, the public interest. Their feelings and passions are absorbed in speechifying, as the word goes, for their own aggrandizement. They will, of course, go on in their usual course until the period when the eight dollars per diem shall cease, and, after having j up the crumbs and offal of every debate, to make themselves notorious, will go home at the end of the four months, and leave the public business undone. The old adage, that “you cannot bring blood out of a turnip,” is too true to be overturned by this resolution. I do not wish to be understood as believing that this is the true cha. racter of this House, or any very large portion of it. I believe the members generally to be actuated by as high and honorable motives as any former Congress. It is not requisite I should, in candor, say that they possess the same amount of talent. I know that in this session, as in all former ones, time has been consumed in what has been often called frivolous debate, but still I am satisfied, from the information of those sufficiently qualified to know, from correct and official sources, that we are not behind any preceding Congress in the amount of business actually done, and that we are much ahead of them in important national affairs, well matured by our committees, and now awaiting the action of the House. In addition to this, it ought to be recollected, by experienced gentlemen, that we have had three contested elections, each of which was the subject of warm excitement and debate, and which for the time entirely excluded ordinary legislative business. I know that many “wise saws,” have been uttered about a debate of two days on a small Indian memorial. I do not set myself up as a censor, upon any gentlemen who may think proper to enter a debate upon any question before this House. They are all of age, and act upon their responsibility to their constituents, and are amenable to the high bar of public taste. But, as I did not enter into that i. and have been generally “a looker on in Verona,” I may be permitted to say that it involved an important principle." It ought to be supposed that gentlemen from various quarters of this Union, meeting together here, somewhat strangers, debate for mutual and public instruction. For my part, I listen with pleasure and delight to the effusions of genius, talent, and experience, on any subject, and bear with patience its concomitant evil, garrulity without wisdom. The public never said that the time so consumed was wasted; until some gentlemen here, perhaps with a view of building up their own reputation at the expense of others, made some stir about it. If we could all see ourselves as others see us, it might, perhaps, be considered that the best way to build up a reputation for business habits, is to attend diligently to the matters before us, without making a parade about it. A close

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mouth is not only the sign but often the very perfection of wisdom. The discussions of the early part P this session may have led to no practical measure, still they may have awakened public attention, and sharpened public inquiry. I believe there is no valuable institution in this world without some alloy; assembled here from the different sections of a mighty empire—the representatives of a free and intelligent people—overlooking the multitudinous interests of this great republic—exercising the right of free discus. sion—that great and glorious right—can we expect to have it without some alloy . It is impossible—discussion would not be valuable if it were so controlled as to exempt it from being abused. We cannot have that beau ideal in legislative proceedings which gentlemen seem to desire, and we ...if be careful lest, in attempting to take away what may seem objectionable in debate, we do not destroy the value of the right of discussion altogether. The resolution is founded upon an assumed fact, the contrary of which is proved by experience. It would doubtless be a wise measure, if it was satisfactorily established, that the legislative business could be transacted in four months. If not, the resolution ought to be abandoned. How are we to ascertain that the business can be done in one hundred and twenty days, not only now, but in future time? Are we to resort to experience, the sure guide which statesmen ought always to follow, or draw upon our imaginations? We must consult the records of our country, and they will admonish us that it is a gratuitous sup position, a mere fancy, to say that our business can be transacted in four months. I have looked at the sessions of Congress from the commencement of the Government, and I find that, at no period, has the first session of any Congress been less than five months, not even when the population of the country did not much exceed three millions of souls; at times, too, when men of the purest patriotism and most distinguished talents appeared in the councils of the nation; men whose bright escutcheons were never stained with the imputation of eking out a session for the love of their per diem allowance. The first Congress sat, in the two years, five hundred and nineteen days. I admit, that putting the new machinery into operation, required more than ordinary time; but in the years '93 and '94, when the whole machinery of Government was in harmonious operation, Congress sat three hundred and eleven days; in '99 and 1800, it sat two hundred and seventy-two days. At that period the population was five million three hundred and nineteen thousand and thirteen souls, less than one-half of our present population, and the great States in the valley of the Mississippi have since grown up, as if by magic, claiming the paternal care of this Legislature. But I have turned to another period of our history, in the hope that its example would be more prevalent here. Mr. Jef. ferson came into power upon the basis of economy and reform, and I believe he had a sincere desire to promote both. But I have looked in vain to find that the first session of any Congress, during that administration, was brought to a close in less than five months. The first session of his administration lasted one hundred and fortyeight days, and the second eighty-eight. Supposing, however, to ło, the fashion of the times, that they had some trouble in clearing away the rubbish left by General Washington and Mr. Adams, in the first Congress, yet the second Congress of that administration, influenced by the strictest economy, conducted by the purest republicans, sat two hundred and eighty-two days. Is it to be expected that this Congress, legislating for more than double the number of people, covering a much wider extent of territory, and embracing six additional States, with less of political experience and wisdom, can do the business in two-thirds the time ! The gentleman from South Carolina would task us too hard, he would fix a badge of disgrace upon us, unless we far surpass the Roger Shermans, the Albert Gallatins, the James Madisons, of other

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days. Sir, it may do very well for the gentleman from South Carolina, but it will not do for me. But, if we cannot trust the National Legislature of primitive times for an example, let us look to the State Legislatures. There the members stand in close affinity and contact with the people, under the eye of their constituents; yet it will be found that they consume as much and more time than we do, making allowances for the difference of circumstances under which we operate, and the magnitude and variety of interests for which we provide. I speak with knowledge of the State from which I have the honor to come. The Legislature of that State met one month before Congress, and has not yet adjourned. If the members have done wisely, they will hear, when they return home, the words “well done" from their constituents; because that people look more to the worthiness and value of legislation, than to the ordinary time expended in maturing it. I think, then, I may safely say, deriving my information from that great source of political knowledge, experience, and we should always pursue our path into futurity by the light which beams from the past—looking to this authority, I may safely say that the resolution of the gentleman from South Carolina is bottomed upon a presumed fact, the converse of which is established by experience. Shall we, then, who are entrusted with the concerns of a great nation, be guided by experience, or follow the imaginings of the gentleman? I choose to follow in the path of those wise and patriotic men of our early days, with whom the spirit of the revolution abided, who were honored in their lives, and, in their deaths, were embalmed in the recollections of our people. At the close of the hour on Saturday I was about to rely to some observations of the gentleman from Virginia {{. ALEXANDER) which introduced the tariff, and the peculiar 'o of gentlemen from the South, into this debate. I will forbear, because I feel that I shall trespass long enough on the time of the House by adverting to the topics that more properly belong to this resolution. I hope to have some more fit occasion to express all m feelings and opinions on the subjects which the gentleman from Virginia has touched. They are like those of the people from whom I am sent, decided and emphatic. The gentleman from Virginia spoke of the rapine and plunder committed on the people by an army of i. I do not know but those might have been the sentiments of Robespierre, when he undertook to regulate everything by the jacobin club. Bonaparte dispensed with the re. presentatives of the people in a summary mode—and so did Cromwell. As long as liberty dwells in this land, its bright. est, purest, and most secure abode must be in these halls. I do not wish to see the power of the people, as here unfolded and exemplified, curtailed or straitened. The gentleman from South Carolina has devoted his energies hitherto, to what he considered some improvement in the constitution. But I would ask him whether the practical effect of his proposition would not be to weaken the popular representative branch of this Government, and to strengthen unreasonably the Executive arm. The constitution provides that neither House shall adjourn without the consent of the other, for more than three days. The notion and view of the convention in this provision is evi dent. The aristocratic branch, or, as some will have i the representatives of State sovereignties, (if that expression can be used without a solecism in lexicography and common sense) might choose to adjourn so long, in times of public excitement or public apathy, as to leave the Executive authority in perfect control of the Government. Now they cannot do it without the consent of the popular branch. Sir, every despot who has arisen in the world, commenced by encroachments on the voice and privilege of the people, first limiting and then suppressing it. The freedom of the |. which is entirely analogous to that e to abuse; and there is a class of gentle

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men who are constantly engaged in fastidiously bewailing its corruption. It is most undoubtedly liable to abuse. More, much more than the privilege of free debate. Yet who would wish to see it trammelled or circumscribed The constitution provides that Congress shall pass no law, “abridging the freedom of speech or of the press.” Now, what freedom of speech was it that they intended to place beond the reach of legislation? That which takes place in the market place or in the public streets One would think not, because that is provided for by the common law, on the subjects of suits for slander. Once there was a sedition law—a sin, in a degree as fatal as the original sin of Adam—because the crime of the fathers is visited upon their children. But, on the whole, considering the provision as a general political guaranty, it is hardly to be doubted but that it was intended to guard the freedom of debate in the national assembly as well as in private circles or the bar rooms of a tavern. And is not the national representative of this people possessed of sufficient discretion to confine within reasonable bounds the privilege of debate In the Roman Senate, a consul was not permitted to interrupt a senator, but, if the debate was unreasonably prolonged, the senators interrupted it and stopped it by their clamor. Caunot the representatives of this people, the most enlightened and patriotic that ever existed on the earth, be entrusted with the same privilege No, sir, upon the principle of this motion, our controlling motive is avarice. It cannot be disguised or forgotten that this Government is the first hope of liberty, and, if it fails, the last prop of enlightened humanity and justice will have left the earth. . We are entrusted with a sacred deposit. The eyes of the friends of liberty and justice in all quarters of the world are directed towards us. We have proclaimed that virtue is the foundation of a republic, and knowledge its surest support. It seems that we have been going on upon a mistake. If so, we ought to undeceive the world. A gentleman brings in a motion, bottomed on the supition that we are governed by money. Even Walpole, in the pride of his power, never broached so bold a notion; he thought, to be sure, that every man had his price, but he thought that public men were to be bought by something magnificent, not by the paltry sum of six dollars a day. If we adopt this resolution, the people will take us at our word; they will say that we have fixed the mark of Cain on our foreheads. I never yet knew any man who acknowledged himself to be a mean fellow, who was not believed. If we condemn ourselves, the people will be: lieve us. No man can gather “goldeh opinions” by branding himself with iniquity. If the resolution passes, the people will perform a solemn lustration, they will purify this hall; and I trust in heaven, that no man who has been present at the degradation of his country's honor, will ever again be returned. Sir, the people of the old continent have looked o us with something of wonder and admiration. They have not exactly comprehended the spirit of public virtue which urged us on to prosperity and happiness. Sir, the proposition of the gentleman from South Carolina will meet all their wishes. If it is adopted, as quick as the ocean can bear it, winds will wast it to the old world; royal presses will proclaim it; and the tottering and o: institutious of despotism will be stimulated into fresh vigor by the sound. The decline of republics is traced from the first moment of the decline of public virtue and public spirit. I need not run over the history of ancient times to prove this. Every gentleman in this House is sufficiently informed to know it. Shall we not bring disgrace upon representa. tive government, if we establish, by our law, that we shall accomplish all our legislation in a given period, or have a brand of disgrace upon us? I do not agree to it. It may suit the views of gentlemen who wish to weaken the popular branch of this Government. There may be

saved to this people the amount mentioned o the gentle" man from South Carolina, by the adoption of this measure; but what will that signify The expense of the army is annually about five millions of dollars, and that of the navy is nearly of the same amount, whilst the whole civil department of the Government does not much exceed half of one million. Now if Congress did nothing, its value would be felt. It is something like the eye of a master watching the labor of his workmen. If gentlemen speak over again, in the “stock debates,” the same speeches that have been spoken, to use the language of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. BARBouh] “de die in diem," it is undoubtedly an evil, and is only to be remedied in the firm good taste which resides in this House. It must come to that at last: gentlemen must learn that they will be tolerated in speaking only when they have something valuable to communicate. If I ever set up for a pedagogue to leeture the House, I will strike at these standing debates, not at the occasional flashes which bring fire from the eye and eloquence from the lips of some gentlemen. Sir, in the beauty and repose of yesterday evening, I strolled, in company with others of this House, to the neighboring city of the dead, where some of the fathers of the republic repose quietly side by side. Their bones lie where the bones of their kindred and people do not lie. There is the tomb of George Clinton, upon which it is recorded that his children performed that pious office which was due to his remains from his country. There is also the tomb of Elbridge Gerry, upon which his own memorable saying is engraved, “Government has a claim upon the time of every citizen, and, if he had but one day to live, that day ought to be enployed in doing good to his country.” It was refreshing to my spirit to read this memorial of his devotedness to his country, by one of its fathers and benefactors. But my heart fell within me, when I recollected that it was my humble office to oppose this day a resolution, which seems to imply that public spirit no longer remains among us, and that our most appropriate motive to action is love of money. Mr. EVERETT expressed himself as friendly to the object of the resolution, so far as regarded an abridgment of the sessions, but not disposed to employ the means which the resolution proposed to attain this object. He moved to amend the resolution so as to limit each session to a fixed term, which, he thought, would obviate the objections which had been urged against the resolution in debate, and suggested to him by many of his friends. Mr. STANBERY said that he did not like the resolution, and he lamented that it came before the House from so respectable a source. It proceeded upon the supposition that a majority of the members of this House procrastinate the session, for the purpose of increasing their own compensation. If gentlemen can persuade the people to believe this, it will have a manifest tendency to bring us into contempt and disrepute with them, and prepare their minds for certain irregular movements against this Union, with which we have been threatened. The truth cannot be disguised, that the people have a deep-rooted attachment for the Union. This attachment is much stronger than a certain class of politicians among us perhaps may wish. Not all our measures for the protection of the industry of the country, and for its internal improvement, complained of as so oppressive by some, will, I am persu...] have the effect of stimulating the people in any uarter to sanction any of the irregular movements to which I have alluded. Those who may wish to prepare the minds of the i. le to look with approbation on any measures of this kind, have yet a great work to perform. They must first bring this Government into contempt; nothing would so effectually do this as the passage of this resolution, which would †. to the world that we, the Congress of the United States, the immediate representatives of this great people, are public robbers.

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But, sir, it is not true that this House, or any considerable portion of its members, desire to remain here with: out performing any public service, for the mere P. of entitling themselves to their pay; neither am I prepared to admit that this Congress has been less industrious or less patriotic than any which have gone before us. An immense mass of business has been prepared by our committees, and is now ready for the action of the House. The pas. sage of many of the measures before us for the internal improvement of the country, and which the state of our finances can at present so well afford, and the passage of the bill on our table for the enforcement of the laws already in being for the protection of the woollen manufactures, are, I believe, loudly called for by a large majority of the people; and if it be one object of this resolution to defeat all or any of these measures, by depriving us of sufficient time to act upon them, it only affords an additional reason for my opposition to it. . If it were in my power to go an further than to vote against the resolution, I would vote it a libel on the House.

Mr. McDUFFIE replied to Mr. S. with equal warmth, and vindicated his resolution against the objections urged by others.

Mr. SCOTT said that, were it not for the imposing appearance, which the resolution now under consideration presented to the view of the public, he would have rested perfectly satisfied (as he had heretofore done on other occasions) with giving a silent vote. And now I regret [said Mr. S.] that I have to differ in opinion with the gentleman from South Carolina, who offered it, because I believe his motives were pure, and that his only object was to facilitate the business of Congress; and I now disavow the most distant intention of attributing any improper motives to him - But I feel well satisfied that the introduction of a principle, such as is comprehended in the resolution, o have a tendency virtually to destroy one, the most valuable co-ordinate branch of our republican Government. I mean the representative branch, which is at all times under the immediate control of the people, and ought to be free and unrestricted in its deliberations. In my humble opinion, it would be imprudent, impolitic, and unjust in us, who sit here in the time of peace and prosperity, to limit the sessions to a certain period of time, when we know not the day that troubles and misfortunes may befall us. Yes, sir, there is a possibility, though, I grant, not a probability, that, previous to the end of our present session, an indignity may be offered to our flag upon the ocean, which might render it absolutely neces. sary for the present Congress to take the matter under their most serious consideration. I hope a kind Providence may avert any such evil, as no one would deplore it more than myself. But this and many other circumstances may occur in future, which may require the solemn deliberations of Congress, when they may require time, and the utmost extent of their talents—whenever national safety may hang suspended on the lips and the wise deliberations of the statesmen within this hall. And, from what I have seen and experienced of the gentleman who is the author of the resolution now under consideration, I, for one, would have as much confidence in his integrity, talents, and opinions on such an occasion, as of any member with: in these walls. But, much as I have admired the general course which the gentleman from South Carolina has pursued, since I have had the honor of observing it, I must be permitted to think very differently from him on some subjects; and, at present, I feel opposed both to the resolution, and the amendment to it, which has been offered by the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. #: because I believe that either of them is at variance with our republican institutions, and that, if either is adopted, and should become a law, the most pernicious consequences will most inevitably follow. The very principle implied, both in the resolution and amendment, is,

that the members of this body prolong the sessions, from the mercenary motives of receiving their per diem allowance, trifling with the business of the people by an unnecessary delay. The gentleman has himself illustrated this view of it most satisfactorily, because he insists that if such a law was in operation, there would be as much business transacted in the term for which they were to receive eight dollars per day, as there is at the present time, when the session is extended so much longer; and he has, but a few minutes since, given it as his opinion that Congress would not sit either at two dollars per day, or without a compensation. When he first advocated his resolution, we were informed that if Congress would sit a month after the eight dollars per day would expire, and then receive two dollars per day, there would be an ample compensation for the session, as the aggregate would be about seven dollars o: day. This position, I apprehend, only goes to show that eight dollars to day is too much; because, if seven dollars is “amply sufficient” for a long session, it is equally so for a shorter one; and, if gentlemen are in earnest, and have any desire to reduce the wages of members, I shall go with them most cheerfully to reduce the daily pay to seven dollars, because I believe that sum is worth as much for ordinary uses at the present day, as eight dollars was at the time the present pay was established by law; and this will be a certain saving to the Government, and much more congenial to our republican institutions. o In the great uncertainty of human affairs, suppose some national calamity was to befall our country, and it should become absolutely necessary for Congress to deliberate a much greater length of time than is contemplated by the present project, they would have to sit for a sum scarcely sufficient to pay their boarding. Should there, then, be any such mercenary men who would have the honor of a seat in this House, and have no more honorable and patriotic object in view than their daily pay, would they not very soon leave your hall? But what would be the unpleasant situation of one (perhaps) of the most virtuous and patriotic members of your body, who, under some severe dispensation of Providence, would have to resign his seat, or ask leave of absence? Would he not have his feelings wounded with frequently being stigmatized with the epithets “unworthy,” “mercenary.” Sir, my honorable colleague [Mr. Coulter] had the fortitude (and I was much gratified to hear it) to bring into the view of the House the true cause of the procrastination and delay of business in this body, namely, the protracted debates which #.". take place on trivial and unimportant questions. This I take to be the true cause of delay. But, neither the adoption of this resolution, nor of the amendment before the chair, nor of their principles enacted into a law, would, in my humble opinion, in any degree, remedy the evil. The same gentlemen who retard the business in the present situation of affairs, would do the same provided the proposed system was adopted. And should our country ever be so unfortunate (which I hope it never may) as to have unworthy and designing men in this hall, they would then be much better enabled to accomplish their evil ends by device and stratagem. I am well aware that, in some instances, tedious and o debates may be carried to too great a length; ut as all human governments must necessarily bear marks of human frailty, and although this privilege, in large deliberative bodies, may sometimes be carried to excess, yet, sir, it is to the enjoyment of, and a full and free exercise of this privilege, that we must look for our freedom and independence, and the security of every thing that is most dear to us; and I apprehend much more danger from legislating too precipitately, than from the tediousness of investigation—and I think that almost every experienced legislator will agree with me in this opinion, And the moment you take away or restrict the privilege

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of debate in your legislative halls, you strike a fatal blow at the whole system of representative government. Then, I am not willing to place any restraint upon our successors; I hope they may be men who will represent faithfully the true interests of a free and independent nation, for ages yet to come. Fallen, as the human family is, from a state of perfection, I cannot agree that if even the gentleman's proposition should succeed, and any calamity should befall our country, that would render it necessary for Congress to be in session eight months, but that there would be men, even in very limited circumstances, that would be willing to sacrifice their time and labor for their country's welfare. Much as I deplore the frailty of human nature, much as I feel the effects of it, I do most unfeignedly believe that it is sink. ing it far below its present dignity, to suppose that there is no such thing as disinterested patriotism, and that mere mercenary motives are the whole rule of action with all public men. If such is our deplorable situation, our libertics will soon be at an end, and the adoption of the principles contained in the proposition now before the House, in my humble opinion, would soon put it in the power of the most dangerous and mercenary to assume the control and evade the will of the people. I trust there are no such men within this hall, as would from mere mercenary motives, detain the proceedings of Congress for the sake of daily pay; should there be such, which I hope there is not, I will close my remarks, by addressing them with a sentiment, which was suggested to my mind by a description given by my friend and colleague this morning." I o say to them, that they ought to be afraid to tread the soil that had been enriched by the blood of the heroes of the revolution—that they ought to be afraid to visit the tombs of the patriots and sages who gained our liberty and founded our Government—lest the spirits of the departed brave should be aroused from their peaceful slumbers, and forbid the foul intrusion. We have been informed that our names will have to appear on this ques. tion. I am willing and prepared to record my name, both against the amendment of the gentleman from Massachusetts, and the original resolution, not fearing the conse. quences, when I am in the conscientious discharge of my duty. Mr. WAYNE next rose, but the debate was discontinued, the hour for considering resolutions having expired. Mr. WICKLIFFE, in order [he said] to have the sense of the House ascertained on the resolution, as he presumed members had made up their minds on the question, moved to suspend the rule which confines the discussion of resolutions to one hour of the day. The motion was negatived. BUFFALO AND NEW ORLEANS ROAD. The previous orders of the day were, on the motion of Mr. HEMPHILL, postponed; and the House resolved it. self into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, Mr. HAYNEs in the chair, and took up the bill making an appropriation for a road from Buffalo, in New York, to New Orleans, by Washington city. Mr. A. H. SHEPPERD said, he rose principally for the purpose of offering an amendment to the bill now under consideration. I have hitherto forborne to do so, from a wish that my colleague [Mr. Cassos] should have an oprtunity of offering one that was long since printed and F. on our tables; but as he has twice had the floor, and twice been induced to withhold his proposition, I now feel myself at liberty to present my own; the effect of which will be, as I intimated when I obtained the floor, to make up an issue different from that already pending, by pre

* Mr. Coulter described his visit to the public burving ground, and the inscription on Elbridge Gerry's monument, namely, “if a

man has but one day to ove, that isy ought to be devoted to the service of his country.”—Note by Mr. S.

senting something like an interplea in favor of the people east of the mountains, and bringing directly before the committee the relative claims of the different routes proposed from this place to New Orleans. These examinations and surveys were executed by order of the Government, under authority of the act of April, 1824, directing the survey of such objects of internal imrovement as might be considered of national importance. }. while it is my purpose to show from them that the routes east of the mountains, as indicated by the reports of the engineers, and especially that termed the middle route, ossess advantages superior to those west of the mountains, o: be permitted to express my regret that these documents do not furnish that accurate information so desirable in deciding the perplexing question of the proper location of this road: they exhibit a mere outline, without noticing many of the prominent difficulties or peculiar advantages characteristic of the face of the country thro which these surveys are carried. I have understood, sir, that the visit of the engineers detailed on this service was known to very few persons throughout the line of their survey in the western part of North Carolina; and that they neither sought nor obtained, from intelligent individuals, such local information as might have tended to a full understanding of the advantages which that route presented. They seem to have travelled with the caution and expedition that might have been expected to characterize an excursion into an enemy's country. It is true that, at the time of the performance of this service, some of our southern politicians, both here and elsewhere, had assumed a rather threatening attitude in their denial of the power of this Government to execute surveys, and construct roads and other works of improvement, in the several States; but whatever reason this might have offered for a careful and unobtrusive passage through other parts of their journey, yet, in North Carolina, these Government officers had nothing to fear—they were there, at least, on neutral ground. Not that the people of that State are indifferent to, or united in their opinions as to the powers of the General Government upon this and other subjects, but, influenced by that spirit of eoncession and compromise which gave existence to the constitution, they are prepared to yield much; yes, sir, they would pause long before they uttered even a gasconading threat of opposition to this or any similar act of authority on the part of the General Government; and though they may believe that, in many acts of legislation here, a due regard has not been paid to their interests, their complaints will be found to mingle with them no spirit of resistance—no sentiment of disunion. This is a subject that they have not been taught to think or talk about; and I, sir, am the very last man on earth that would attempt to teach them so fearful a lesson. But I return to the immediate question before the committee. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. HEMPHILL] asserts that the western route, the one embraced in the bill, has decided advantages over any other; but he has not told us to which of the routes his assertion is intended to apply; or, is he ignorant of the fact that two directions and two distinct surveys west of the mountains have been reported I may well suppose the gentleman from Pennsylvania to have fallen into this error, not only from what he has said, but from the fact that the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. BLAIR) has triumphantly exhibited a chart of the route reported in 1826, and has referred to it as giv. ing the only western direction indicated by the engineers; but, sir, I have procured from the Engineer Department, and now have before me, a map of a route which diverges from the first a few miles beyond Knoxville, Tennessee, crosses the Clinch river at Kingston, is then found winding its way through the Cumberland mountains, and toiling up Spencer's hill, and, after a fatiguing journey of many miles west of a direct line, it reaches Huntsville, in Alabama; and from thenee it is seen to encounter the Mus

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