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THE PRESIDENT ON THE REPUBLICAN PARTY books revising the tariff and the banking HE week which ended on Wednes

and currency laws, establishing rural credit, day, September 6, brought to the

rehabilitating the merchant marine, and cresurface more things of political in

ating the Federal Trade Commission. Among terest than have appeared for some time in

other things, Mr. Wilson included in the

achievements of the Democratic party the the progress of the Presidential campaign. From the Democratic camp the outstanding emancipation of the workingmen of America feature was, of course, the President's

by the legal recognition of a man's labor as speech of acceptance, delivered at Long part of his life, the emancipation of the chilBranch, New Jersey, on September 2.

dren of the country from hurtful labor, As may be surmised, the President's ad

the equalization of taxation by means of an dress was an eloquent presentation of the

equitable income tax, the opening up of the accomplishments of the Democratic party

resources of Alaska, and the provision for during the past four years.

National defense upon a scale never before He began his address by an attack upon

proposed upon the responsibility of an entir the Republican party couched in stinging political party. He claimed that the Demophrases. The President said :

cratic party“ had driven the tariff lobby from The Republican party was put out of power

cover, and obliged it to substitute solid argu

ment for private influence." because of failure-practical failure and moral

Mr. Wilson claimed not only to have carfailure ; because it had served special interests and not the country at large; because, under

ried out practically all the platform of the the leadership of its preferred and established

Democratic party, but he added: “We have guides, of those who still make its choices, it in four years come very near to carrying out had lost touch with the thoughts and the needs

the platform of the Progressive party as of the Nation, and was living in a past age and well." under a fixed illusion—the illusion of greatness.

He continued his attack upon the Repub- Naturally the two most vital subjects, outlican party by saying that it had “framed side of our domestic relations, dealt with in tariff laws based upon a fear of foreign trade, the President's address were the European a fundamental doubt as to American skill, situation and the revolution in Mexico. enterprise, and capacity.” He said the Re

Here is his statement of his attitude towards publican party "had permitted the country the European war: throughout the long period of its control to

We have been neutral not only because it stagger from one financial crisis to another

was the fixed and traditional policy of the under the operation of a National banking law United States to stand aloof from the politics of its own framing which made stringency of Europe and because we had no part either and panic certain,” and it had been indifferent of action or of policy in the influences which “to the fact that the farmers, upon whom the brought on the present war, but also because it country depends for its food, and in the last was manifestly our duty to prevent, if it were analysis for its prosperity, were without possible, the indefinite extension of the fires of

hate and desolation kindled by that terrible constanding in the matter of commercial credit.” Under the Republican party, Mr. Wilson

flict, and seek to serve mankind by reserving

our strength and our resources for the anxious continued

and difficult days of restoration and healing Little intelligent attention was paid to the which must follow when peace will have to army, and not enough to the navy. The other build its house anew. republics of America distrusted us, because The rights of our own citizens, of course, they found that we thought first of the profits became involved-that was inevitable. Where of American investors, and only as an after- they did, this was our guiding principle: that thought of impartial justice and helpful friend- property rights can be vindicated by claims for ship.

damages, and no modern nation can decline to

arbitrate such claims; but the fundamental THE DEMOCRATIC CLAIMS

rights of humanity cannot be. The loss of life Against this statement of the Republican

is irreparable. Neither can direct violations of record Mr. Wilson claimed for his own party a nation's sovereignty await vindication in suits that laws had been placed upon the statute- for damages. The nation that violates these

essential rights must expect to be checked and called to account by direct challenge and resistance.

Perhaps we will be pardoned if we find in Mr. Wilson's statement of his theory of action and the record of the still unsatisfied claim against Germany for the sinking of the Lusitania an inconsistency which the President would doubtless feelingly deny. There seems to us a further inconsistency between his statement that “we have been entirely neutral . . . because we have no part either of action or of policy in the influences which brought on the present war," and his own later statement that i no nation can any longer remain neutral as against any willful disturbance of the peace of the world. ... No nation stands wholly apart in interest when the life and interests of all nations are thrown into confusion and peril.”

To us this seems the nobler doctrine, and this doctrine Mr. Wilson himself claims will be the guiding principle of the future. He says :

There must be a just and settled peace, and we here in America must contribute the full force of our enthusiasm and of our authority as a Nation to the organization of that peace upon world-wide foundations that cannot easily be shaken. No nation should be forced to take sides in any quarrel in which its own honor and integrity and the fortunes of its own people are not involved; but no nation can any longer remain neutral as against any willful disturbance of the peace of the world. The effects of war can no longer be confined to the areas of battle. No nation stands wholly apart in interest when the life and interests of all nations are thrown into confusion and peril. If hopeful and generous enterprise is to be renewed, if the healing and helpful arts of life are indeed to be revive l when peace comes again, a new atmosphere of justice and friendship must be generated by means the world has never tried before. The nations of the world must unite in joint guarantees that whatever is done to disturb the whole world's life must first be tested in the court of the whole world's opinion before it is attempted.

THE PRESIDENT ON MEXICO In regard to his Mexican policy Mr. Wilson said :

We have professed to believe, and we do be. lieve, that the people of small and weak states have the right to expect to be dealt with exactly as the people of big and powerful states would be. We have acted upon that principle in dealing with the people of Mexico. ...

Many serious wrongs against the property, many irreparable wrongs against the persons of

Americans, have been committed within the territory of Mexico herself during this confused revolution, wrongs which could not be effectually checked so long as there was no constituted power in Mexico which was in a position to check them. We could not act directly in that matter ourselves without denying Mexicans the right to any revolution at all which disturbed us, and making the emancipation of her own people await our own interest and convenience.

Mr. Wilson continued by saying that his Mexican policy was “not hard for the plain people of the United States to understand," but that it was a hard doctrine only for those who wished to get something for themselves out of Mexico." He added :

I have heard no one who was free from such influences propose interference by the United States with the internal affairs of Mexico. Cer tainly no friend of the Mexican people has proposed it.

As if to forestall his opponents in pointing out that his action towards Huerta was a distinct interference with the internal affairs of Mexico, Mr. Wilson continued :

The unspeakable Huerta betrayed the very comrades he served, traitorously overthrew the Government of which he was a trusted part, impudently spoke for the very forces that had driven his people to the rebellion with which he had pretended to sympathize. The men who overcame him and drove him out represent at least the fierce passion of reconstruction which lies at the very heart of liberty ; and so long as they represent, however imperfectly, such a struggle for deliverance, I am ready to serve their ends when I can. So long as the power of recognition rests with me, the Government of the United States will refuse to extend the hand of welcome to any one who obtains power in a sister republic by treachery and violence.

Of course if a blow from the shoulder can be characterized as “ withholding the hand of welcome,” certainly Mr. Wilson cannot be charged with inconsistency in this matter.

In concluding his address Mr. Wilson summed up his vision of the future America in these words:

We are Americans for Big America, and rejoice to look forward to the days in which America shall strive to stir the world without irritating it or drawing it on to new antagonisms, when the nations.with which we deal shall at last come to see upon what deep foundations of humanity and justice our passion for peace rests, and when all mankind shall look upon our great people with a rew sentiment of admiration, friendly rivalry, and real affection, as upon





a people who, though keen to succeed, seek ence its news reports, writes of Mr. Hughes's always to be at once generous and just, and to Nashville welcome : whom humanity is dearer than profit or selfish

The address was delivered in the Auditorium power.

here before a crowd of 3,000 persons, a large Upon this record and in the faith of this pur

majority of whom were openly hostile and atpose we go to the country.

tempted to start demonstrations for Wilson by

hisses and catcalls. Mr. Hughes's fighting THE REPUBLICAN SIDE OF THE CAMPAIGN

words won the crowd for the time and found The Outlook in last week's issue com- applause. mented editorially upon Mr. Roosevelt's Lew

It was during Mr. Hughes's discussion of iston address, emphatically indorsing the

the Mexican question that one of the most principles of Americanism therein enunciated.

dramatic incidents of his Nashville address There have been those who have been

occurred. A questioner in the gallery shouted waiting for a similarly emphatic utterance

an inquiry as to what he would have from Mr. Hughes since his address in Car

done under the circumstances. " What would negie Hall formally accepting the Republican

I have done?” replied Mr. Hughes. “I nomination. Mr. Hughes has now placed

would have protected American lives; and himself squarely beside Mr. Roosevelt on the

that is what I will do." question of Americanism by a telegram which he addressed to Mr. Roosevelt after the

MR. HUGHES ON THE RAILWAY STRIKE: Lewiston speech. From Kansas Mr. Hughes

Passing from the question of foreign telegraphed: "I heartily congratulate you on

politics to the labor situation, Mr. Hughes, your speech at Lewiston, and warmly appreciate your effective support.” The position emphatically stated his position on the great

labor strike which has been so narrowly and which Mr. Hughes took in his telegram to

perhaps but temporarily averted. He said : Mr. Roosevelt he emphasized during his sub

I believe there is no grievance with respect to sequent visit to St. Louis, a city which has

labor that cannot be settled by a fair, candid been looked upon as the center of German

examination of the facts. We have in the past sympathy and partisanship. According to a

had to deal frequently with the opposition of report in the New York “ Tribune,” Mr.

employers to the principle of arbitration. Hughes took the occasion of his visit to St.

Sometimes they have refused to arbitrate disLouis to restate his attitude towards Mr.

putes. Public opinion has been against them. Roosevelt's speech. The “ Tribune " says: I believe and I stand here firmly for the princiPublication of the Hughes telegram to

ple of arbitrating all industrial disputes, and I Colonel Roosevelt in the morning newspapers

would not surrender it to anybody in the had caused St. Louis Germans to inquire

country: whether its implied acceptance of the Roosevelt

Now, then, I stand for two things: first, for views concerning the hyphen question had been

the principle of fair, impartial, thorough, candid

arbit ation ; and, second, for legislation on facts properly understood. Several prominent citizens even advised that

according to the necessities of the case; and I a statement be issued by Mr. Hughes denying

am opposed to being dictated to either in the that he shared the opinions of the Colonel.

executive department or in Congress by any Just before the candidate's party went to

power on earth before the facts are known and

in the absence of the facts. the Business Men's League for luncheon the question was put squarely up to Mr. Hughes. Mr. F. M. Davenport, whose article de“Did your telegram to Colonel Roosevelt

scribing the Hughes trip appears elsewhere carry with it an acceptance of the Roosevelt

in this issue, writes us from Nashville that views on hyphenates ?" he was asked. “The telegram may be taken on its face value.

these remarks were received by the audience I meant just what I said," was the reply.

" with a whirlwind of applause."

It has been pointed out that Mr. Hughes, From St. Louis Mr. Hughes journeyed while Governor of New York State, vetoed to Nashville, Tennessee, where, facing an the bill requiring railways to furnish transaudience a majority of whom were sympa- portation for two cents a mile on exactly the thizers with President Wilson, he won the grounds which he has taken towards the setrespect and attention of his hearers. The tlement of the railway strike. The position reporter of the New York “ Times," a news- which Mr. Hughes has taken is entirely analpaper which in general supports Mr. Wilson, ogous with that which Mr. Roosevelt assumed but whose editorial views do not often influ- in the settlement of the anthracite strike. Mr. Roosevelt has not commented at any refusal of such a California Progressive as length upon the present railway situation, Francis J. Heney to enter the Republican ranks, but from the brief statement which he has have been the cause of no little political worry, made it is plain that he believes that the Governor Johnson, however, who entered the present situation should have been handled race for the United States Senate in both the as the anthracite strike was handled in 1901. Republican and Progressive primaries, has

been nominated on both tickets. Governor IN CALIFORNIA AND OHIO

Johnson's nomination is regarded as a valuFor some time the California situation has able omen of Republican success in the fall. been a thorn in the side of the Republican Governor Johnson's opponent will be his oneparty. Governor Johnson, the only Progress- time fellow-Progressive, Francis J. Heney. ive Governor still in office, and the candi- The Democrats are predicting that the Redate for Vice-President on the Progressive publican Old Guard in California will vote ticket in 1912, was one of the first and for Heney rather than for Governor Johnson. strongest Progressives to declare himself Another victory in the primaries which for the election of Hughes. Nevertheless, encourages the Republicans is that of Mr. the apparently irreconcilable differences be- Myron Herrick in Ohio. We are glad to tween the Progressives and the old-line say that ex-Ambassador Herrick was nomiRepublicans of California, together with the nated by a decisive majority for the Senate.


From a number of replies to Mr. Theodore Price's article on the economic achievements of the Wilson Administration we select the following for publication this week. Others may be printed in later issues.—THE EDITORS. To the Editors of The Outlook :

patiently to trace incidental economic effects As a presentation of individual opinion of and philosophically to analyze fundamental reasons for continuing the Democratic party processes, in this instance he stops short at in control of our Government, the article by the first link in a long chain. Theodore H. Price with the above title, in Mr. Price is a man of imagination. Let your issue of August 23, merits the enco- him, in the exercise of that faculty, conceive miums you bestow in its prefix.

an isolated community depending on a single As a presentation of “economic and finan- manufacturing enterprise, employing substancial arguments” it is subject to further re- tially the entire adult population ; that entermark along other lines than those pursued in prise on the outbreak of the war abandoning your editorial.

its legitimate line and engaging in the munition After fairly and, with his unequaled facility business, doubling its capacity, tripling its in handling figures, clearly summarizing our force, and increasing by fifty per cent the economic growth during the past two years, average wage paid ; the railway serving that Mr. Price asserts : “ Whatever profit the community carrying five times the freight it United States has derived from the war in did before the war; the shopkeepers' busiEurope is measured exclusively by the increase ness doubled; the moving-picture houses in the balance of trade in our favor.This filled daily in contrast to former tri-weekly statement he supports by an ingenious argu- performances; the farmers of the neighborment, reduced to its elements, apparently, as hood riding in motor cars paid for out of follows:

profits from sales of produce in the booming The excess of our favorable trade bal- town; landlords enjoying higher rents; bank ance over the normal during the past two deposits up seventy-five per cent; and such years being only $21.30 per capita, against other evidences of prosperity as the fancy, in a per capita increase in wealth during the the light of observation, may conjure. same period of $410, leaves $388.70 made The analogy may be crude ; a reductio for each individual by the Democratic party. ad absurdum usually is. One need only to

Although the writer of your article in other recall how gradually business recuperated of his productions has been accustomed after the first shock of the war in the last




months of 1914 and well on into 1915 to of Corporations. Perhaps the writer of your appreciate the economic process by which article may be able to point to substantial prosperity was disseminated. It was usual accomplishments toward the furtherance of then to hear the merchant or manufacturer prosperity by the Trade Commission during concerned with peace products say, in effect, its brief existence. They certainly have not “We're doing little—only people with war been emphasized in the public press. contracts are making money.” The change 5. The Clayton Bill by its terms does not was rapid ; soon one became accustomed to become effective until next October in respect admissions of improvement, and finally to of the features which your writer enumerates. assertions of activity and good business in all 6. The Good Roads Law, as Mr. Price but relatively few lines.

says, “ promises" great things. But his arguMr. Price next asserts : “Our prosperity ment is based on accomplishments, not has been mainly due to the encouragement promises. that has been given to business and enter- 7. The Agricultural Education Act, alprise by the Democratic party under the though two years old, is another prospect, in leadership of President Wilson,” and cites in the class with the Rural Credits and Good support of his claim these seven Acts of Roads laws. Congress :

Thus these seven sisters of prosperity 1. The Federal Reserve Act, as your edi- resolve themselves into a respectable adolestorial points out, is the product of the Repub- cent Republican, a Republican of at least lican statesmanship which created the Mone- questionable virtue, a child with inherited tary Commission. You might have added progressive characteristics, and four promising that Senator Root, a Republican, by force of infants. logic and intelligence, at the eleventh hour More surprising than Mr. Price's forgetinduced a Democratic Congress to eliminate fulness of the incidental economic effects due from the then pending bill some of the most to stimulation of special industries is his material changes the Democrats had made in lapse of memory when he says : Thanks the Republican scheme for currency reform. to the conservatism, tact, and statesmanship of

2. The Rural Credits Bill became a law President Wilson, we have become the most within two months. The experiment into powerful Nation in the world, both morally which the Government will launch by virtue and economically.” If so, then why do we of its provisions may operate beneficently ; celebrate Washington's and Lincoln's birthbut as operations under this law have not yet days? Why do Democrats foregather to fairly begun, its contribution to past pros- honor Jefferson? Why do we make efforts perity is not apt to be elsewhere emphasized to conserve our National resources ? Indeed, during the present campaign.

why do we go to church ? 3. The Income Tax Law became a pos- “ President Wilson and prosperity "—the sibility only after the Sixteenth Amendment fact and Mr. Price's conclusions therefrom of the United States Constitution was ratified. bring to mind a farmer's son of whom AbraThat amendment was proposed by and rati- ham Lincoln was wont to speak on occasions. fied under Republican auspices and became This small buy peeked through the window effective only ten days before the Republi- of the best room in the farm-house while his cans passed out of power. Without going older sister was entertaining a caller. In into the question, which a goodly number alarm he rushed to his father, shouting, of our people will deem debatable, whether "Come, hurry, Sue's sick !" The father inby any possibility the income tax contributes quired what evidence Sue gave of illness, to National prosperity, the Republicans, and the boy replied : “She's sitting on the rather than the Democrats, seem entitled to sofa with Jim Brown and he's holding her whatever credit or blame attaches to the tight so she won't fall off. I think she's application of the income tax.

fainted.” 4. The Federal Trade Commission Act, if “ You see,” Mr. Lincoln would add, "the memory serves, is in line with carrying out boy's facts were all right, but his conclusions the Rooseveltian policy, which first took con- were all wrong."

F. C. G. crete form in the establishment of the Bureau Philadelphia, August 29, 1916.

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