good sense, and knowledge of the true principles of popular education. He even imposed a small tax on every transference of succession to property of a certain value, in order to form a fund for the purchase of books for the poor. The same system has been pursued ever since with such improvements as experience, and the changes in society, have suggested, and exists at this moment in all the dominions of Austria. The schools are at present attended by a thirteenth of the whole population.*

It is to Austria, and Austria alone, that Italy is indebted for the introduction of popular education. Under Napoleon, who had the amplest means of doing so, nothing was done. His attention was directed to the more material concerns of roads, bridges, and fortifications, or to the establishment of polytechnic institutions, as nurseries for the army. His object was not to make men better citizens, but better soldiers,—and accordingly, save in the case of military education, no encouragement from the state was given. But even amidst all the confusion and embarrassment consequent upon the change which took place in 1814, the Austrian government at once determined to introduce into their Lombard-Venetian territories the same course which had been pursued so successfully in Germany. By the existing law every village or commune must have its school, which is supported from the municipal fund, the schoolmasters receiving a salary of from 250 to 400 Austrian livres.† Besides the ele mentary schools for boys and young men, there are similar elementary

schools for girls,with of course such variation in the subjects taught as the difference of their future position and pursuits requires.

By the statistical tables of the Venetian provinces, which form about one half of the Austrian territory in Italy, there are 1402 elementary schools to a population of 1,894,000 inhabitants, attended by 62,000 pupils, and directed by 1553 teachers. This is exclusive of 29 female schools, chiefly at Venice and Verona, frequented by 2390 girls.

The higher courses of education are liberally provided for by gymnasia, lyceums, and the two universities of Pavia and Padua, the former of which has the highest reputation of any university of Italy. În medical science it is peculiarly distinguished; and scarcely less so in philosophy. The number of students is at present above 1400.

The university of Padua, though fallen from the high estate which it enjoyed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, still possesses distinguished professors, an excellent curriculum of study, and about a thousand students. 196

The salaries of the professors at the university of Padua have been raised by the present government from three to six thousand francs. The professors enjoy high consideration, and rank among the nobility. The names of Volta, Scarpa, Tamburini, alone would be sufficient to show that their universities are not deficient in even enjoying a European reputation; and the fact that Tamburini, though almost deemed a heretic at Rome for his antipapal opinions and writings, continued to enjoy the protection of the Austrian

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"The regulations for the primary instruction of the people, the commercial and provincial institutions, may serve as a model.

"Few countries in Europe, and perhaps none, enjoy more real, or, as it is commonly called, material prosperity, than the Austrian monarchy. The repugnance which the Emperor Francis seems to feel against altering the political form of his government need not appear strange even in the eyes of the most liberal. What is the object in substance which the advocates of a Constitutional Government propose to themselves? The happiness, the welfare of the people. Francis, who has seen in his own lifetime the most important, the most useful alterations, introduced throughout his dominions, without the introduction of any new political constitution, which would divide the Sovereign power, and throw the State into confusion; Francis, who has, on the other hand, witnessed the state of France, its everchanging variety of constitutions and forms of government, without the people being ever able to flatter themselves into the belief of real stability in any, can hardly be expected to lean towards the Constitutional Governments of modern device. His system, therefore, need not be wondered at. But as, on the other hand, the Austrian Government, as we have said, practically moves in a constitutional, not a despotic course, and far from being averse, seems rather inclined to such public institutions as strengthen the monarchy in the path of right, the liberal nations ought to be contented with this situation of things, and believe, that with quieter times and encreasing intelligence, they will obtain a higher progress, both in the theory and practice of the social science."-Pp. 125-126-127. Such is the picture given of the practical administration of the Austrian Government in Lombardy, by one who has been all his life, and still is, a liberal politician. Protection for property and person, equality before

cheap and expeditious justice, a mild criminal code, both in theory and practice, a system of popular education, which may serve as a model, and a measure of material comfort and happines enjoyed by few countries in Europe. "I eat well, drink well, and sleep well," says Sir Oliver in the farce, "but that's all." So the Italians have every natural element of natural happiness and prosperity, but because they have them not under what they call a Constitutional Government, they ought to be miserable. Will the recent examples of Spain and France never teach men how little there is in a name; what oppression may be perpetrated under the name of liberty, what despotism may exist under a so-called Constitutional Government ? Why, the truth is, that the Austrian Government, unlimited, as it appears, in theory, is as effectually limited in practice, by custom and usagemore conducted according to a system of unvarying rule and method, which excludes every arbitrary step or interference with particular cases, than almost any other in Europe. In no country, we will venture to say, have fewer stretches of prerogative, fewer invasions of the rights of the subject, taken place for the last century than in Austria. The steps to which Louis Philippe has habitually resorted since the establishment of the throne of the Barricades, and which in France, sick as she now is of revolution and its consequences, scarcely excite a remark, would never have been ventured on in Austria, or would have shaken that empire to its foundations.Well may Dal Pozzo observe, that Austria, warned by the examples around her, has reason to hesitate ere she exchange the system, call it by what name you may, under which she has advanced, slowly perhaps, but steadily, in a career of improvement, for any of those modern devices by which a sudden and forced developement is given to the intelligence and social energies of the people, which having no root in morality and religion, shortly withers away. The path in which she advances may indeed be slow and circumvolutory, like a spiral, but how much more expedient in the end than those de

ceitful curves, which appear for a time to shoot forward almost in a straight line, but suddenly bend round and return into themselves, leaving the race of improvement to recommence from the beginning!

It was a proof of the liberal spirit in which Austria was disposed to exercise her newly regained rights after the expulsion of Napoleon, that one of her first steps was to introduce into the Lombardo-Venetian territories, local and general chambers of representatives on the model of the Land staende, which had existed from time immemorial in her other dominions. The edict, which is dated 24th April, 1815, commences, "It being our intention to form colleges of deputies, chosen from the different classes of the nation, with the view of ascertaining, by constitutional means, the wants and wishes of the country, we have divided the kingdom into the Milanese and Venetian territories, and have established for each a central commission, the one to be resident at Milan, the other at Venice." These central assemblies are composed (Art. 1) of the nobles, of proprietors who are not noble, and of the representatives of the towns, the governor of the territory, or his lieutenant, being president. The numbers are chosen by the Councils of Communes, the Emperor having only the power of choice from a leet of three presented to him by the corporations, (Art. 8,) and retain their office for six years (Art. 13). To these assemblies the whole internal management and administration of Italy is committed; such as (Art. 22) the imposition and distribution of the new taxes, or im posts proposed by the Emperor, the examination of the accounts and burdens of the different communes, the distribution of military duties and services, the inspection of roads, bridges, and charitable institutions, (Art. 25,) the exercise in their own names of the judiciary and executive powers, and of the legislative in so far as regards local ordinances, imposts, and taxes. Generally speaking, it may be said, therefore, that the central congregations have the power of a deliberative assembly in all matters not formerly fixed by law and custom; these

being committed to local assemblies pretty nearly on the same model. It may be granted, that in all this there is but a slender approach to the powers which the English constitu tion reposes in Parliament, but the voluntary introduction, even of this qualified system of representation, which must at least prevent the possibility of ignorance or misrepresen tation as to the state of Italy, is sufficient to show, that in so far as it was thought likely that the benefits of representation could be safely imparted, they were bestowed. Austria gave to Italy, all she herself possessed, a measure of liberality not always to be found when a nation similarly situated regains, by force of arms, possession of dominions of which she has been dispossessed by force.

There are, however, one or two points which are generally selected by the liberal opponents of Austria, as in themselves sufficient to neutralize every other advantage of the Austrian government: These are the vexatious annoyances of the police, the exclusion of foreign journals, the censorship, and the severity of the punishments against political offen

ces.

In the charges here made against the Austrian government there is some truth, mingled with much exaggeration.

It is true the police of Lombardy is jealous, and the system of passports and surveillance to which travellers and Italians are equally exposed, often extremely annoying; and it is true, that the exclusion of publications supposed to be of a dangerous character, is carried to an excess which is unjustifiable, and is often ridiculous. But in judging how far the conduct of Austria is blameable in this matter, it is but fair to look a little to its cause. How comes it, that in the rest of the Austrian dominions, the traveller and the nation meet with no such annoyances; that you talk politics at every table d'hôte from Salzburg to Belgrade, without meeting with a "knight templar" in the shape of the waiter, or a police-officer in Boniface himself? Simply because the conduct of the Italians themselves, their repeat

éd and most treacherous attempts at insurrection, the intrigues of foreign revolutionists, and the exposure, in

1820, of a vast and most widely diffused chain of secret societies, of which the object was the entire expulsion of Austria and the establishment of an Italian republic, have naturally rendered Austria jealous, suspicious, and perhaps over-anxious, on these points. After the evidence of the existence and extent of such a scheme, afforded by the evidence before the Central-Undersuchung's-Commission, shortly after the eruption and suppression of the Neapolitan and Piedmontese revolutions in 1820 and 1821, we really cannot wonder that Austria should have pushed its preventive measures too far. That matters were very different prior to these attempts at revolution, every traveller who visited Italy at that time must be aware; and Dal Pozzo himself bears ample testimony to the fact. "These restrictions," says he, are not of ancient date-no older, it appears, than since 1820, that is, the time when revolutionary sects were laying down the plan of those insurrections which burst forth from one end of Austria to the other. Before that time, I remember having occasion now and then to visit Milan, and the impression on my mind was, that the citizens practically enjoyed much liberty, and that the action of the police was scarcely felt. Foreigners came and went without being subject to so many inquests and examinations. The Milanese assem bled when and where they wished, in casinos, in coffee-houses; life, in short, was as joyous, as free as could be conceived. When I return ed to my triste and formal Turin, I used to heave a deep sigh, and long for the gaiety of Milan."

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The same observation applies also to the censorship of the press. Dal Pozzo assures us, that prior to 1820, that power was exercised with the greatest mildness; and as the best proof of the fact, he refers to his own case, his Opuscoli Politico Legali, a work which attracted considerable attention, and one of decidedly liberal tendency, in which the anxiety for a constitutional form of government was quite distinctly avowed, and some very delicate questions of political right discussed, as he admits, with great freedom, having never encountered the least opposition from the Austrian Go

vernment. Doubtless times are now changed, and writings, apparently exceedingly harmless, are thought worthy of being placed under the ban of the empire; but here also, as in the case of the vexatious police regulations and prohibition of foreign journals, the true cause of the increased and unnecessary severity of the Administration is to be found mainly in the conduct of the Italians themselves.

It would be well, also, to bear in mind, in regard to a censorship, what the true state of the question always is. Every Government must have the right of prohibiting and suppressing, in some way or other, publications believed to be injurious to public morals; the only question is, whether that shall be done before or after publication, by a preliminary censorship, or by prosecutions, injunctions, or seizures of the objectionable articles after publication. In France there exists at present no censorship; there is perfect theoretical liberty to publish; but the instant consequence of an obnoxious article against the ministry, is the seizure and destruction of the newspapers, types, and printing materials, the probable ruin of the publisher, and the fine and imprisonment of the author. We doubt whether the editors of the Tribune, or the National, or indeed any one who looks over the list of Louis Philippe's political prosecutions, now amounting to many hundreds, will be disposed to rate the advantage derived from the want of a censorship so highly as to sympathize very deeply with the lamentations of Italian liberals on the subject of its existtence, yet par

Still, however, we would certainly say, upon the whole, that we think both the restrictions on the liberty of the press, and the surveillance of the police, is needlessly rigorous and severe. True, the disturbances at Modena, at Ancona, and in the Papal States, which have followed the revolution of July, bave shown that the disposition at least to insurrection and conspiracy exists; but they have not less distinctly evinced, that the number of the disaffected is but small, their means, influence, and talent utterly contemptible, and their hopes of any effectual assistance from foreign