rapidly promoted. At the close of the Mexican war he returned to West Point as instructor of bayonet exercise, and translated from the French a "Manual," which became the text-book of the service. We next hear of him on an exploring expedition to the Red River; then surveying the rivers and harbors of Texas; presently examining the western part of the proposed route for a Pacific Railroad, his report forming the first volume of "Pacific Railroad Surveys" published by the government. He was sent on a secret mission to San Domingo; and in 1855 to Europe to study the organization of European armies, and observe the war in the Crimea. All this before he was thirty. He published a number of important military works; and his varied and interesting experiences, as well as his natural aptitudes, fitted him for the important military positions he occupied during the war. Prior to 1861, for some three or four years, he had been successively Vice-President and general superintendent of the Illinois Central Railroad, and president of the Ohio and Mississippi Railroad; and being called into the service of the Union, he rose from a Major-General in the regular army, to the highest place-succeeding General Scott as General-in-Chief-and was himself succeeded by General Halleck. In his letter of acceptance of the nomination for the Presidency, he dissented from the platform of the convention, not believing that the war was a failure, or that peace was desirable irrespective of conditions. His views, clearly expressed, were not altogether welcome to the radical wing of the Democracy-though they won the respect of the world. Many Republicans voted for him. But, on the other hand, many war Democrats supported Mr. Lincoln, in the full faith that a change of rulers at such a crisis would be disastrous. The election was quiet and orderly, although the canvass had been prosecuted with spirit, and the results gave Lincoln two hundred and twelve electoral votes, and McClellan twenty-one.

From this critical hour important events followed each other for four years with a swiftness that kept the whole country in a continual ferment. The agitation consequent upon the assassination of President Lincoln, and the administration of President Johnson, prepared the way for an enthusiastic nomination for the next Presidency, by the dominant party, of General Grant, who had never been an active partisan in politics. The Democrats convened in New York on the 4th of July, 1868, Governor Horatio Seymour presiding. For nearly a week they balloted in vain for a candidate. The delegates were worn out with the continued strain, excitement and intense heat. The twenty-second ballot was reached, when the convention was electrified by General McCook, chairman of the Ohio delegation, who in a speech of ringing eloquence cast the whole twenty-one

votes of his State for Governor Seymour. Cheer after cheer rent the air, and notwithstanding the vehement refusal of Seymour to accept the candidacy, the balloting went on, and he was unanimously nominated, amid a tornado of applause. He was subsequently persuaded to accept, and by so doing made, as he still declares, the great mistake of his life.

Governor Seymour was the idol of the Democratic party, a man of elegant scholarship, broad culture, and varied accomplishments—equally familiar with books and with affairs-and ranked then, as now, among the foremost men of his time. He had been twice Governor of New York, from 1853 to 1855, and from 1863 to 1865. No man ever had greater faith in the future of the American Republic than he; in one of his private letters to President Lincoln in 1863 occurs this passage: "For the preservation of the Union I am ready to make any sacrifice of interest, passion, or prejudice." It is related of him that while dining with Lord Houghton, of England, that gentleman said, "Are you not sometimes sorry that Mother England let your States escape from under her wing?" "Well, no, my lord, not exactly," replied the Governor," but I do sometimes think we should not have allowed you to leave us!" "What in the world do you mean?" asked Lord Houghton, smiling. "Oh, simply that it would be rather pleasant to have you in the family of States. Having 50,000,000 of people on our side, of course we could do most of the governing. Still, for the sake of old relationship, I have no doubt we could have afforded to allow you a few extra Congressmen and a Senator or two," was the Governor's humorous reply.

He was born in 1811, and educated for the law. His father was one of the powerful company of New York politicians known as the " Albany Regency"; thus he was bred in the atmosphere of politics, and to the opinion that love for party is a sentiment that can no more be eradicated than the belief in religion. He was much in the society of statesmen during his youth, both in Albany and at Washington. And in entering public life he was animated with the high purpose of taking an active and intelligent interest in whatever concerned the general welfare of his State and the country at large. The campaign in which he was defeated for the Presi dency was one of the most interesting, in some of its features, in the whole catalogue of Presidential campaigns. General Grant, the victorious soldier, could not, however, be beaten. He received two hundred and fourteen electoral votes, while Governor Seymour's numbered only eighty. A few months afterward, when President Grant visited Utica, Governor Seymour was one of the first to congratulate him; and at a public reception remarked with charming grace that he was "a better soldier than the General, and for that reason was not able to run so well."

In the twenty-second Presidential election-1873-there were seven unsuccessful candidates. The multiplicity of perplexing questions that arose during Grant's first term severely tested the national sagacity. The

*This Magazine published in August, 1884 [XII. 97], the portrait of Governor Seymour.

public acts of the President were subject to constant and merciless criticism. Opposition to the administration grew and strengthened; and a whole brood of wings and factions circled about the two great political bodies. The "Labor Reformers" convened at Columbus, Ohio, in February, 1872, and nominated Judge Davis, of Illinois, for their candidate. He declined, and Charles O'Conor, of New York, subsequently received the nomination. The "Prohibitionists" next met in convention, also at

Columbus, and made James Black, of Pennsylvania, their unsuccessful candidate, The "Liberal Republicans " assembled in Cincinnati, in May, attracting wide attention. They claimed that President Grant had shown himself deplorably unequal to the task imposed upon him by the necessities of the country, and culpably careless of the responsibilities of his high office. They invited into their realms all the dissatisfied, and it was thought that with an "available" candidate they could prevent the re-election of Grant. Many an uneducated voter clamored for a change in the government, thinking it would better his own private affairs. Like the Long Island fisherman who, when asked if he was a Republican, replied,

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Well, yes; but the fact is, I haven't averaged more than half an eel to the pot this two months, and I guess we had better have a change; so I am going to vote the Democratic ticket this time."

The process of organizing the convention was embarrassing. From many States, including New York, came two antagonistic factions. Diversified elements poured in from the different sections of the country. One of the Arkansas delegates was an old negro preacher named Tabb Gross, the former slave of a Kentucky preacher, who had bought his own freedom and emigrated West. Among the delegates from Kentucky was the son of his former master, who asked Tabb to tell him "honestly " who they were going for down in his State? "Well, Mars' Alfred," was the reply, "dey is mos'ly goin' fo' offis." When the organization was finally accomplished, Carl Schurz was appointed to the chair. On the sixth ballot Horace Greeley was nominated for the Presidency. The Democratic convention met at Baltimore in July, and also adopted Mr. Greeley as their candidate. In the meantime the regular Republicans had convened at Philadelphia in June and nominated President Grant for re-election.

During this spirited and memorable campaign Horace Greeley performed an incredible amount of mental and physical labor. He had just passed his sixty-first year, but to all appearances was in robust health. He addressed numerous and eager audiences in every part of the country, frankly discussing the great questions at issue, and emphasizing his convictions with boldness and candor. No man ever canvassed for himself in this country whose speeches were more replete with specific and technical knowledge, more appropriate to the occasions which inspired them, or finer specimens of brilliant oratory. No work which Mr. Greeley ever did was so vividly indicative of his remarkable powers—it was as if he had concentrated the whole force and resources of a lifetime in the achievement of a cherished purpose. Having been so long before the public as a great editor, and, unsparing in his criticism of others, he naturally became the target not only for the political adversary, but for all who had any grievances to avenge. It would not be easy to forget the singularly youthful expression of his face at this time. His complexion was extremely fair; his head larger than the average; his forehead round and full, rising into a high and ample dome; his hair white, inclining to red at the ends, and thinly scattered; and a smile seemed ever playing upon his countenance. "Seated in company with his hat off," says his biographer, "he looked not unlike the 'Philosopher' he was often called; no one could take him for a common man."

The history of his earnest and busy career has been much written.