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RETROSPECT OF POLITICS.

THE cabinets of Europe still continue their pacific professions towards each other. This is, however, owing more to their mutual terror, than to their mutual good will. At no time, in the history of that portion of the globe, do we believe that its leading powers ever viewed each other with more jealousy and distrust; but at no time did the powers whose principles and interests are most in opposition, feel more reluctance to provoke each other's hostility. The great continental governments are cemented by a "Holy League;" but they are still more firmly united by a uniformity of political feelings and principles. It is this union which renders them so formidable to that insular power whose prosperity they envy, and whose institutions they detest, but whose strength they dread to encounter.

On the other hand the canaille ministry, as the French Journalists have denominated the members of the present British cabinet, though perfectly conscious that they are no favourites with the combined monarchs, choose to treat them complaisantly, and maintain towards them the appearance of good neighbourhood, rather than provoke that animosity which, if aroused to a combined effort, would certainly cut off many sources of their prosperity, and might probably array against them a force which they should not be able to resist.

It will not be a trifling matter, therefore, that will induce England to draw the sword against the allied sovereigns; but a subject of dispute, far from being trifling, threatens soon to take place an attempt to reconquer South America for Spain. This England has had firmness enough to declare that she will oppose, unless undertaken singly by Spain herself, who, she well knows, is utterly unable so to undertake it.

The British ministers say that they have extorted from France, a promise not to assist Spain in her attempts to recover the lost provinces. But we believe that France will adhere to this promise, only till she finds a favourable opportunity to break it. She gave it reluctantly, and merely to keep in temper an importunate neighbour whom she is at present unwilling to irri

tate; and to lull the suspicion of that neighbour, that she may the more effectually give in secret, the assistance, which she openly promises not to give.

We confess, that until we see more unequivocal symptoms of sincerity in the disposition of France, to leave South America unmolested, than is afforded by this promise, we shall consider her, in common with all the parties to the Holy Alliance, solicitous to effect the reduction of that country. Their motives for such solicitude are strong, and, in their opinion paramount to every consideration; for they are the same motives that have bound them together in their unhallowed league: they are an anxious desire to support the old system of arbitrary legitimacy in governments a wish to check the dissemination of liberal principles in either politics or religion among mankind,—an inveterate dread of popular rights and free institutions gaining such an ascendency in the world as to endanger the continuance of their despotism over their own subjects. They cannot therefore view with satisfaction the establishment of free governments in so extensive and important a quarter of the globe, inhabited, at present, by upwards of twenty millions of civilized people, and capable of giving subsistance to more than ten times that number. They have remorselessly put down on their continent those very principles which they behold in rapid progress to a permanent establishment in South America; and who can doubt that they would cheerfully sacrifice millions of both men and money, to put them down there also?

To effect this, they are aware that it is necessary either to deceive, or persuade into acquiescence, that power, which holds dominion over the element which their armaments must pass, before they can reach the object of their displeasure. England has accordingly been repeatedly invited to attend a conference on the subject. But she has hitherto refused. Whether in case of her persisting to oppose their intentions, the Allies, will in the end abandon them, and thereby disappoint the expectations of Ferdinand, it would be hazardous to predict. Our opinion, however, is that they will adopt a middle course.

England has said that she will not oppose Spain in her unaided efforts to recover South America. We think it probable, therefore, as we VOL. I.-No. v.

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stated in our last retrospect, that France, the organ, in this case, of the Allies, will try to evade the opposition of England, by waging a South American war, in the name of Spain. But to conceal this evasion from England, we think, will be impossible, nor do we suppose that the allies expect it. They may expect, however, that she will overlook it, as not being in direct opposition to the terms of her declarations on the subject. But in this we believe they will be mistaken. England derives immense advantages from the independence of the Southern Republics. Their population offers a vast, a profitable, and a perpetually increasing demand for her manufactures; some of their most valuable mines have already become the property of her people; and as a nation she at present draws from them an annual revenue greater in amount, and more cheerfully paid, than Spain ever did in her most flourishing days.

But there is another consideration in relation to this subject which must strongly influence the policy of Britain, namely the vast augmentation of strength which the already too formidable continental confederacy would acquire by the possession of South American resources. On their present comparative poverty alone does the safety of the British empire depend. All that they want to enable them to overthrow her power, and sweep her obnoxious political institutions from the European world, are ships, colonies, and commerce. The possession of South America would enable them to acquire these. It is, therefore, all essential for Great Britain that they should not possess it.. Will it be said that reannexing South America to the crown of Spain, would not be placing its resources under the controul of the Holy Allies? We believe that no one who is aware that 40,000 French troops are to garrison Spain for a series of years, will say so. At all events, the English ministers are too well convinced of the entire dependence of the Spanish king on the power of the confederated monarchs, and his necessary obsequiousness to their will, to permit him ever again to become lord of the Indies, if they can prevent it

It is fortunate for mankind that this clashing of interests at present exists between England and the Holy Despots. If it did not, we fear that the advocates of liberal principles in Europe, would be utterly unable to cope with the execrable confederacy

the latter have formed for the extinction of human rights, and the trammelling of human intellect. In France, that land from which the friends of liberty, at one time, expected so much good to proceed, ultra royalism appears to be more strongly fixed than at any period since the ascension of Louis the sixteenth. The liberals seem to have had no weight whatever in the late election of deputies to the legislative body of the nation. Only seventeen out of four hundred and thirteen members, are supposed to be friendly to the cause of popular rights: The Bourbon ministry may therefore be expected to wield, without reserve or controul, the whole resources of France and Spain united, for the purpose of rivetting the chains of despotism on necks of the forty millions of human beings who inhabit those countries. Liberty has been at length totally expelled from those beautiful regions, where for nearly half a century back, her friends have been making powerful and unceasing efforts to procure her a safe and permanent abode.

On the various important questions agitated in the British parThe bill liament we at present have little space for comment. to relieve commerce of many of the imposts and regulations by which its operations have been so long shackled, indicates a disposition on the part of ministers to legislate on large and liberal principles. The measure is certainly a bold one; and the reasonings of its advocates are forcible, and, at least, theoretically just. But whether its practical results will be as beneficial to the nation as they appear to expect, remains to be tried. As we wish well to every experiment that has liberal principles for its basis, we cannot withhold our good wishes from this. If Great Britain finds it successful, other nations we doubt not will follow her example, and extinguish trading monopolies all over the civilized world.

There is another subject submitted to the consideration of parliament which we cannot refrain from noticing, we mean the proposition to effect a gradual abolition of slavery in the British colonies. The plan recommended by the ministers for this purpose, will not, it is truc, be so prompt in accomplishing the laudable and humane object proposed, as could be wished; but still it will do much for the slave population, and is the commence

ment of a system, which we trust will be pursued until it effects whatever reason and humanity may require in relation to this important subject.

From contemplating the degraded condition of the countries subject to the Holy Alliance, it is some relief to turn our eyes towards heroic Grece. There the cause of human rights still continues to triumph. It is true, that the Turks are said to be putting forth their full stregth, and to have assembled an army of eighty thousand men, in order to crush the new born liberties of regenerated Grece. But the friends of freedom need not fear the result; for there are now prudent heads and valiant hearts, worthy of the cause, and of the country for which Leonidas and Philopomen fought, industrious and vigilant in her defence. The soldiers of modern Grece have already shown themselves worthy of their ancestors; and their is little doubt but the sons of a people who could defend their liberties from millions of invading Persians, will, when animated as they now are, with the spirit of their fathers, either drive from their venerated country eighty thousand musselmen, or make it their grave.

The enthusiasm with which Lord Byron has espoused the cause of Grece has excited towards him our warmest admiration, as a philanthropist; and we trust that although our conscience will not permit us to eulogise him as a tasteful poet, we shall soon have it in our power to applaud him as a fortunate soldier. In criticising the style of his poetical compositions, we were bound in duty to censure, and to censure severely. But with his character as a man, we had no business, and we took none. We acknowledge that his connubial squabble, and the tenor of many of his writings, gave us an unfavourable opinion of his morality; nor did we think, judging from the cynical tone of many of his pieces, that he could be overstocked with good nature. But to these things we never alluded, for we considered his personal quite distinct from his literary character; and his literary character alone we thought amenable to our jurisdiction. Whatever may be our opinion at this moment, of his private character, we have no inducement to express it; but we conceive that his noble behaviour towards the Greeks calls on us, and on every man who has the means of laying his sentiments before the public, to pay that tribute of approbation, which it so richly merits,

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