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many eminent authors who at prefent make fuch a diflinguifhed figure in Scotland. The Scotch, as they form but one nation with the English, and write thefame language, conceal (if we may ufe the expreflion) from the obfervation of the neighbouring nations that fenfible decline in the genius and literature of England, which would otherwife be confpicuous to all Europe.

The Scotch, for a long fucceffion of ages, could scarce boat of a single author of any reputation. When the fciences were cultivated with fuccefs in almost all the ftates of Europe, by means of the new light which they received in the 16th century, the various and tempestuous reign of Mary Stuart exhibited a Buchanan, no lefs famous for the virulence with which, in his Hiftory, he mangled the memory of his Queen, than for the elegance of his Latin poetry, and particularly for his paraphrafe of the Pfalms of David The influence, however, of a writer of this ftamp, who defamed his natural fovereign in order to flatter a foreign queen, could never extend fo far as to fow the feeds of literature in the minds of his countrymen.

ces.

When James I. afcended the throne of England, he paid no attention to the encouragement of the liberal arts in his na tive country. A monarch ambitious of acquiring reputation amongst the beaux efprits of England and France, by fubtil ties and antithefes, was but ill qualified for polishing or inftructing the Scotch, whofe knowledge was at that time extremely fuperficial, and circumfcribed within very narrow limits. It is well known, that Charles I. in his tumultuous and unhappy reign, had no leifure to propagate or encourage the ftudy of the fcienUnder Cromwell, the furious difputes excited by the Puritans afforded the Scotch but little or no opportunity of applying themfelves to the more polite and agreeable ftudies. Charles II. had more particular motives for regarding Scotland as a frange country. Beides, that corrupt and effeminate fpecies of learning upon which this monarch formed his tafte, was by no means calculated for laving the foundation of the fine arts in a country where their first principles were hardly known. Among the many eminent writers who flourished in G. Britain during the reign of Queen Anne, we can fcarce Jy reckon one who is a native of Scotland*

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In fine, two complete ages had elapsed, after the revival of letters in Europe, hefore anv perfon could have conjectured that this nation would ever have become fo remarkable for fcience and erudition. A generous and noble Duke, and a learn ed Irithman, feem, in a particular man ner, to have been destined by Heaven to raife and bring to maturity, in these cold and northern regions, what, in former a ges, it was foolishly imagined could not poffibly ftrike root but in the more gentle climes of Italy, Greece, and Asia-Minor, Francis Hutchefon, a native of Ireland, who taught philofophy, and the study of human nature, in the university of Glafgow, by his inftructive lectures, and valuable publications [xvii. 213. 434.], diffused through the whole country a happy tafte for philofophical and literary refearches, and planted thofe fertile feeds from whence fo noble and fuch abundant fruits have sprung. Archibald Duke of Argyle* generously patronized every feminary of learning, and particularly the univerfity of Glasgow, which has now become one of the most famous and most illuftrious in Europe.

At length the spirit which had thus fo fuccelsfully introduced a tafte for learning into the capital and the neighbouring provinces, quickly extended itself to the most remote corners of Britain: and it is now an incontestable fact, that the principal authors who have adorned the British literature in these latter times, or do honour to it in the prefent days, have received their birth and education in Scotland. It were needlefs to enumerate the many fublime geniuses, as Simfon, Maclaurin, Ferguson, Cullen, &c. who, by their happy difcoveries, have illuftrated the feveral branches of mathematics and natural philofophy. We likewise behold history,

feveral other Scots noblemen and gentlemen, who lived in that and the fucceeding reign, of Pope, Swift, Steele, and the other wits of by publishing their pieces under the names that age, have deprived themfelves of that reputation amongst foreigners, which, had their works been properly known, they justly must have acquired.

editors, which is prefixed to the Glafgow e[The author, in a letter to the Scotch dition of the book, obferves, that Archibald Duke of Argyle, by patronifing the arts and fciences, rivalled the glory of his elder brother Duke John, whofe political and military endowments made him to be deservedly esteemed one of the first heroes of his time.]

and

and poetry of every species, cultivated with furprising and unexpected fuccefs in Scotland.

The name of Thomson, a poet who excels both in tragic and defcriptive poefy, will one day receive as high a degree of praise as the great Pope. His Seafons are already every where read, and admi. red, by all lovers of the mules; and his tragedies almoft obfcure the glory which Addifon has fo juftly acquired from his Cato. The Epigoniad of Wilkie would have been a mort admirable poem, had it been wrote 2000 years ago. But as Homer is now fo well known in England, we cannot be furprifed that Mr Wilkie has not a greater number of readers. We Italians at prefent neglect the Avarchide di Luigi Almanni, which, like the Epigoniad, is too clofe an imitation of the Iliad. Blacklock to pofterity will feem a fable, as to the prefent age he is a prodigy. It appears altogether a fiction, that a man, abfolutely deprived of fight, from three years of age, befides having acquired a furprifing knowledge of Greek, Latin, Italian, and French, fhould at the fame time be a great poet, and, without having almost ever feen the light, fhould notwithstanding be fingularly happy in his defcriptions. The great theatres of London have more than once applauded the dramatic performances of Mallet and Home. Poetry, however, is not the fpecies of literature by which the Scotch have acquired their unrivalled glory.

England, though it abounds in almost every fpecies of fine writing, has fcarce produced one good hiftorian. It was referved to the Scotch to give the finishing ftroke to fuch an effential branch of the English literature.— Amongst the learn. ed in Europe, who does not know the celebrated works of David Hume? Who has not read, and who has not admired his Hiftory? Had not a genius fo vaft and fublime, too industriously, perhaps, embraced every opportunity of infinuating his peculiar opinions, he would have efcaped the reproaches of the zealous profeffors of religion, added greater ftrength and efficacy to the hiftory itself, and rendered it even more fpirited and interefting. Extreme fcepticism is naturally frigid and steril [xxv. 210], and, in works of eloquence, it is better to be animated than indifferent. The faults, however, of this elevated genius are rendered almoft imperceptible, by the propriety of his language, the fidelity of his relations,

and the admiralcntiments with which his works re every where interfperied.

Had Mr Smollet preferred, as a great genius ought, lafting glory to prefent gain, and a celebrated name to the money of the bookfeller, he would have had great merit as an hiftorian

But immortal praife is due to the ingenious Mr Robertfon. That gentleman has illuftrated, with great industry, the ancient hiftory of Scotland, and the more important points of the modern. By his judgment, and exquifite difcernment, he has diftinguished himself amongst the best hiftorical writers; and has excelled, by the elegance of his ftyle, not only his compatriots, who have already acquired fo much reputation, but even the most approved English authors.

Some people, infatuated with the pride and vanity of being born in the metropolis of a nation, perfuade themselves that they alone are capable of writing their own language; and of course will scarcely believe that the Scotch bid fair to carry off the prize of language even from the English themselves. Let perfons of this flamp, however, reflect, that the greatest mafters in every branch of literature have generally been ftrangers in thofe cities that were confidered as the feat of the language in which they wrote. What is ftill more remarkable, many of thefe authors came originally from fmall towns, which had no other pretenfions to fame than their having given birth to men of fuch eminence.

We shall not here inquire into the particular places where the various Greek authors were born. Of the Latin authors, fcarce three or four of the most celebrated were Romans. Plautus and Terence, the fathers of the Latin tongue, were not even Italians. The elegant Phædrus was a Thracian. All the world knows that Cicero was of Arpinum. Titus Livius came from Aponus, a finall village in the neighbourhood of Padua; and Virgil, from another village, near Mantua. Verona, Venufa, and Salmona, gave to Rome three of their most elegant poets, Horace, Ovid, and Catullus.

With regard to the modern Italians, though Dante was a native of Florence, which may be confidered as the mother of the Italian language, Petrarca was born in Arezzo, where his parents, wretched and wandering exiles, had accidentally fixed their temporary abode. Though the time this author paled in Florence or

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in Tuscany must have been but a small part of his life; yet, in the elegance of his flyle, he not only furpaffed his predeceffor Dante, but every other Italian writer who fucceeded him. Boccaccio, though born in Certaldo, an obfcure village in Tuscany, became the prince of Italian eloquence.

Marot and Malherbe, the principal mafters of the French language, were born in provincial towns; nay, the former was not a Frenchman, but a Fleming: and Vaugelos, who fhone fo confpicuously in the fame language, was a Savoyard.

But let us leave to the curious the inveiligation of the following problem, Whether, amongst the names celebrated in hiftory for their knowledge in the fciences and fine arts, the greatest number were horn in great cities, and the capitals of kingdoms, or derived their origin from ignoble towns and obfcure villages ?It is enough for our prefent purpose to obferve, that it is not only poffible, but very common, that men born at a diftance from the feat of a living language, may notwithstanding fucceed very well in writing that language. Authors who are natives of a country which is the feat and centre of any language, generally write in a peculiar manner, and with a certain native colouring. But, on the other hand, the provincials, by investigating the proper genius of the language, and examining the import and propriety of the words and idioms, frequently write with greater precifion, ftrength, and elegance. By this means the provincials keep clear of the corruption and mixture of foreign idiom, which, from the great concourfe of all nations, gains an easier admittance into the metropolis.

From these and other caufes, which we have not leifure at prefent to enumerate, we fhall conclude, that it ought not to appear flrange, but rather natural, and agreeable to the ordinary course of things, that the Scotch fhould at this period make a greater figure in learning and eloquence, than their brethren fouth of the Tweed *.

• The reader must not here expect a complete criticifm on the learned natives of Scotland. The author might with cafe have fwelled his catalogue with a number of names, eminent in every fcience; but the defign of his work is only to give a general idea of the taste and literary genius of the European nations, not a history of their authors. Cal. M.

Mr URBAN,

You have given us an account of the trial of Gen. Monckton, upon a charge brought against him by Colin Campbell; and you mention in a note, that Colin Campbell was tried by a court-martial at Martinique, for the murder of Capt. McKaarg [372.]. If you think the curiofity of your readers will be gratified by the following account of the quarrel between Mr Campbell and Capt. McKaarg, and of the Captain's death, it is at your fervice.— I am, &c. T. M.

When Mr Campbell was Major Com

mandant of the 100dth regiment, and that corps lay at Jersey, from which place it embarked for Martinico, Capt. McKaarg had so far embezzled the mo> ney he received to pay his company, that the men were starving, and publicly beg ging in the streets of St Hillier's; and McKaarg was at the fame time fo much in debt, and took methods to elude the payment of what he owed to unbecoming an officer and a gentleman, that the then lecretary at war acquainted Major Campbell by letter, that if he did not find means to fatisfy his creditors, he fhould be obliged to lay his cafe before his Ma jefty.

Upon the receipt of this letter, the Major, with the advice of the commander in chief at Jerfey, who had before tent to inform him that McKaarg's men were begging in the streets, took the payment of the company out of his hands.

This, it is fuppofed, McKaarg refent. ed, though to appearance he lived with the Major in the fame amicable manner as before; and when the troops were im barking from Jersey, and his neceflities were fo prefling that he could not proceed on the voyage without pecuniary af fiftance, which he had endeavoured to obtain from the paymafter, and feveral other officers, without fuccefs, he applied to the Major, and received from him that affiftance, without which he must abfolutely have staid behind.

However, it is certain, that from this time the Captain took every opportunity to vilify the Major, by the moft grofs and virulent afperfions; and intelligence of this behaviour being brought to the Ma jor by leveral friends, he wrote, and fent the following letter." SIR, I am this moment informed, that on fome occafions fince our arrival here, you have taken li berties with my character unbecoming an oficer and a gentleman: I defire an im

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mediate and explicit anfwer, per bearer, and am, till then, your humble fervant, C. CAMPBELL."

To this letter be received the following anfwer."SIR, I have just now received yours; and have taken no liberties with your character but what I am able to enfwer for. Yours, &c. J. McKAARG." As foon as the Major had received this letter, he went to Capt. McKaarg's tent, having a bayonet at his fide, and his fword undrawn in his hand. As to what happened afterwards, the following evidence was given at the trial.

William Gallafpey, who carried the letter from the Major to the Captain, and brought back the anfwer, depofed, That he followed him to the Captain's tent; that he saw him give the Captain three or four ftrokes with his fword, the scabbard being on the blade: that he asked him to turn out; who replied, he had not a fmall fword; that he then took hold of him by the breast, and bid him turn out any way; that he hauled him by the breaft till he got him to the outside of the tent, and threw him down there; that in struggling both were down together, that they got up, and both fell a fecond time; and that the Major, while they were on the ground a fecond time, afked the Captain to beg his life, three or four times.

Alexander McKenfey depofed, That be heard the Major fay, "Turn out if you be a man;" that he faw them on the ground together; and that the Major faid, Beg your life, or you are a dead man;" that the Captain anfwered, "I do beg my life;- I am a dead man; fend for the furgeon;" that the Major faid, immediately after the Captain had faid, "I am a dead man," Is there no body there to go for the furgeon?

Robert Halding depofed, That he heard the Major fay, "You have made free with my character in town—turn cut immediately;" that the Captain re plied, he had no smail sword, and begged he might get one; that he saw them ftruggling together, and fall to the ground; that the Major said, “Beg your life;" that the Captain faid, "I do beg my life;" that the Major afterwards asked him again, if he begged his life? to which he replied, "I am a dead man;? that then the Major got up, and ordered the furgeon to be fent for. Donald Morilon depofed, That they came out of the tent on each fide of the

door pole ftruggling with each other; that when they were on the ground, the Major said, “Do you beg your lifenow?” that the Captain anfwered, "Yes;" that the Major required him to beg his life a fecond, and a third time, the Captain still answering, "Yes;" but that at the laft time, he faid he was gone; and then the furgeon was fent for.

It appeared alfo, that the Captain had no fmall fword; that he had two wounds in the body, and four in the left hand and arm; that the Major's bayonet was found drawn near the tent-door; and that one evidence fuggefted, that all the wounds did not appear to have been made with the fame weapon

To invalidate this evidence, which proves that there was no regular rencounter, that the Captain begged his life, and that he was mortally wounded on the ground; and from which alfo fome have inferred, that the Major gave the Cap. tain a wound after he had once begged his life, and the wound on which he cried out, "I am a dead man," after he had begged a fecond, if not a third time; the Major alledges, that the teftimony from which this inference is drawn is not uniform; that McKenfey mentions McKaar's begging his life but once; Halding that he begged it twice; Donald Morifon that he begged it thrice and William Gallafpey that be begged it three, if not four times. It is unneceflary here to remark, that there is the concurrent teflimony of three witnesies to his begging his life more than once; and therefore, except their differing as to the exact number, totally overthrows their credibility, this fact must be taken as proved.

But the Major obferves, that the testimony of McKenley, and Halding, is inconfiftent in another particular; McKenfey fwearing, that he and Halding went out of a tent contiguous to the Captain's together; and Halding fwearing, that McKenley went away, and left him in the tent.

To invalidate the proof of the first aft of violence, he observes, that McKarg was a man you, ger, larger, and to all appearance fronger than him felf; that he had a fword drawn in his hand; that his cloaths, which were of the flightest materials, were found entire; and therefore that he should strike and drag him so armed, and without tearing his cloaths, is improbable in the highest degree, if not an abfolute impoflibility.

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As to the bayonet, he fays, it was well known by all the officers on the expedition, that they did not wear their fwords, on account of the exceffive heat, but carried bayonets only; this accounts for his having his bayonet with him; that it was fo loose in the fcabbard that he loft it more than once between this rencoun ter and his landing; therefore it is not ftrange it fhould fall from him in the fcuffle; that it was not bloody, therefore it could not have given a wound; befides, the furgeons were of opinion that all the wounds were made with the fame inftrument.

As to the fwords, he fays, it appeared clear from the evidence against him, that he gave Mc Kaarg the choice of fwords; and that, be this as it may, their words differed only in the mounting, his own being a broad fword.

As to the wounds, he fays, the four in the arm and hand were given on McKaarg's repeated endeavours to feize his fword; and that McKaarg's fword being found near the body, and the scabbard in the tent, its being bloody, his (the Major's) cloaths being cut, his hand wounded, and the guard of his fword broken, proves that the Captain was armed for his defence.

To the evidence given to prove that they came out of the tent ftruggling, he opposes that of one McKullough, who fwore that the Captain followed the Major out of the tent with his fword drawn. The irregularity of the court-martial alluded to in your note is this. The Major was indicted for murder, and the fentence of the court is in these words: “The court, on due confideration of the whole matter before them, are of opinion, that Major-Commandant Colin Campbell is guilty of the crime laid to his charge; but there not being a majority of voices fufficient to punish with death, as required by the articles of war, the court doth adjudge the faid Major-Commandant Colin Campbell to be cafhiered for the fame. And it is further the opinion of the court, that he is incapable of ferving his Majefty in any military employment whatever."

Now, if there was not a majority of the court fufficient to punish with death, there was not a majority fufficient to find him guilty of the crime, and therefore he ought to have been acquitted; for the law requires, that in capital cafes three fourths of the members must agree in their opinion to find the party guilty. If three fourths had found him guilty, they

im altho

would have been fufficient to punish ade
quately to the guiltfound; as three fourths
did not find him guilty, they were not
fufficient to punish at all.

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[We have followed the Gentleman's Magazine in the spelling of the names.] A free-born Briton's remarks on the Em prefs of Ruffia's manifefto, on occafion of the affaffination of Prince Ivan. [510.] THE affaflination of Prince Ivan, ac

knowledged in this manifefto, is one of thofe events that ought not to have been looked upon as poffible in a polished age, or in any nation that was not funk in the most favage barbarity. But the very manifefto that is published to justify this horrid deed, is almost as unaccountable as the deed itself. It seems to have been drawn on a fuppofition, that all thofe for whom it is defigned, are deititute both of common fenfe and common humanity; for à very moderate portion of these must render this declaration an ob ject of horror.

It is faid in this manifefto, that Ivan was unlawfully declared heir to the Impe rial Crown of Ruffia. But it may be af firmed, on the contrary, that his right to that crown was demonftrably clear, whether we confider his defcent, or the fa mous law of fucceffion eftablished in the year 1722, by Peter the Great, and the Senate of Peterburg. He defcended from Ivan, the elder branch of the Imperial house, [elder brother to Peter the Great], and he was declared fucceffor to the crown by the Empress Anne, [ii. 478, 525.] in confequence of the fundamental law now mentioned, by which the reign. ing fovereign was authorised to name his or her fucceffor to the throne. In confequence of this, Ivan was crowned in his infancy, and was intitled to the throne by defcent, law, and poffeffion. He was dethroned by Elifabeth, [iii. 561.], whofe acceffion to the Imperial Crown was a manifest act of violence and ufurpation: hence the act of fucceffion that was occafioned by it. was of doubtful authori ty, if not evidently unlawful.

While the voice of nations deplores the fate of the unfortunate Ivan, and the tears of humanity flow at the view of that innocent victim! (to guilt and fear) expiring under the biows of two execrable afleflins, the defender of this bloody deed dares to make ufe of the name of Providence, and its adorable decrees, and throws a motley mask of re

4 3/4 Must have fountsion Guilty, at tho an the record vote 4/4 not vote for Death.

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