trampled on by a squadron of cavalry. His face was bloody. An arm hung limp from his side. He could scarcely drag one leg after another. There seemed to be no part of his body which was not the worse for war and wear. As he hobbled dejectedly along, he was heard to mutter: "I love my country. I would fight for her. I would bleed for her. Yes, I would even die for her. But I'm damned if I ever love another country."

In the speeches made during the fall of 1903, Senator Hanna added nothing essential to the past statements of his political and economic ideas, but he placed them before his public in an unusually effective manner. Always an easy speaker and impressive because of his powerful personality, he had gained by virtue of long practice an increasing mastery over his own methods of utterance. While his speeches were still improvised and they still rambled along a little incoherently, his individual sentences became more consecutive and precise, and certain phrases usually appear at the beginning or in the body of his speeches, which indicate an increasing tendency to prepare in advance effective methods of expression. But above all they benefited from the fact that his mind had become gradually stored with weightier matter. When he was very much stirred, he no longer expressed his feelings merely with a kind of explosive energy. He could rise, not quite to eloquence, but to some dignity of utterance, which made his evident sincerity still more impressive. His own public life was becoming identified with higher issues, and was reaching a higher plane of verbal expression.

On November 3 the people of Ohio gave to Mr. Hanna the overwhelming victory and the complete vindication which he so ardently desired. Colonel Herrick was elected by a majority of over 100,000. In 1901 Senator Foraker had obtained thirty-five more legislative votes than had his Democratic opponent, which was considered extraordinary. The Legislature elected in the fall of 1903 contained a Republican majority of 91 on joint ballot; and Mr. Hanna was afterwards elected by an actual majority of 90-receiving 115 votes to his opponent's 25. One of the most gratifying aspects of the returns was the triumph in Mr. Hanna's own county of Cuyahoga. Mr. Herrick's plurality over Johnson was no

less than 8520, and every candidate on the Republican ticket was elected by a comfortable margin — and this in spite of Mr. Johnson's equally emphatic success only a few months before. Evidently many thousand votes which had been cast for Mr. Johnson on local issues were cast for Mr. Hanna on state and national issues. So far as any political leader's career can be justified by the approval of his own people, that justification was Senator Hanna's. The issue was as sharply drawn for and against him as it had been in 1897. His future career and his political leadership of the state were at stake. He could no longer be denounced as a labor-crusher; but the voters were asked to reject him as plutocrat and a friend of privilege in American politics and business. If the campaign had taken place in 1910 instead of 1903, he could not have been any more sharply attacked for his friendliness to the "Interests." But the people of Ohio refused to believe that the public interest was not among the interests he served. They declared at the polls their enthusiastic and overwhelming confidence in the integrity and good faith of his political leadership.

Early in November, when the results of his election were known, Mr. Hanna received hundreds of letters congratulating him on his success. These letters came from every state in the Union and were written by all classes of people-bankers, merchants, manufacturers, union leaders, professional men, "drummers," clergymen, college presidents and railroad employees. Half a dozen notes of congratulation were even received from Roman Catholic convents. One of the most interesting and instructive incidental phases of Mr. Hanna's political career was the support he obtained from prominent Catholics. Archbishop Ireland was in frequent correspondence with him and used his influence on Mr. Hanna's behalf. But this alliance did not prevent Mr. Hanna from getting along equally well with the Salvation Army, several of whose leaders congratulated him on his reëlection. There seems to have been an instinctive gravitation towards Mr. Hanna on the part of men who represented powerful organizations and believed in the principle and method of organization—no matter whether the purpose of the organization was religious, social, political, industrial or labor.

A large proportion of the letters congratulating Mr. Hanna on his election urged him to become a candidate for the Presidency. The decisive and overwhelming character of his personal victory strengthened enormously the hands of those of his friends who wished to make him President-whether he would or not. They had been discouraged by the Roosevelt indorsement, which had been extorted from the Ohio Convention in the spring, but they were merely biding their time. Throughout the campaign he had been repeatedly hailed at public meetings and dinners as the next President of the United Statesalthough this fact was usually suppressed in the newspaper reports. It was part of his policy never to call public attention to these compliments either by encouraging or discouraging public comment. But they were a matter of general gossip, and his silence when actually under this kind of fire puzzled his friends and alarmed the supporters of Mr. Roosevelt.

The business men in New York, who were determined to push Mr. Hanna's candidacy, began immediately after the election seriously to organize. A committee was appointed. One hundred thousand dollars were raised and two hundred and fifty thousand dollars pledged for preliminary expenses. Promises were given of a much larger campaign fund to be subscribed whenever necessary. A comprehensive survey of the whole field was made and a careful calculation of the number of delegates which they could reasonably count upon getting. The outlook was considered to be very encouraging. They expected in the first place to secure a united delegation from Ohio. In spite of the fact that Mr. Roosevelt was a New Yorker, they counted on a united delegation from that state. The local machinery was controlled by Governor Odell, who was favorable to Mr. Hanna and had promised to use his influence on behalf of their candidate. In Pennsylvania Senator Quay was for Roosevelt, but they believed that they had a good chance of dividing the state. They were assured also that the delegation from Indiana could be secured. After an investigation of conditions in the South, they were hopeful of obtaining two-thirds of the delegates from that region. In case all these calculations were sound, it looked like a sure thing.

Preparations as elaborate as these were sure to reach the

ears of the President and his friends; and among Mr. Roosevelt's ostensible friends at this time were certain of Mr. Hanna's enemies such as Senators Foraker and Quay. They were not slow to use the situation to embroil the relations between the two men. It was easy to suggest that the spontaneous expressions of opinion favorable to Mr. Hanna's candidacy which were constantly breaking out, were secretly inspired and encouraged by Mr. Hanna or his immediate lieutenants; and the ambiguity of Mr. Hanna's public attitude gave color to these suspicions. Mr. Roosevelt was naturally infected by them. If Mr. Hanna did not, as he had frequently stated, intend to be a candidate, why did he not suppress the dubious preparations of his friends by declaring unequivocally and publicly that he was in favor of the only alternative candidate?

There was danger for a while of an open break between the two men. Mr. Hanna's enemies tried to precipitate a fight by advising the President to ignore Mr. Hanna in certain matters connected with patronage in Ohio. Senator Foraker had in his own opinion always been deprived of his fair share of these Federal offices. As long as McKinley lived, he had, of course, no means of putting up an effective fight. He had to take what he could get, and he attributed to Mr. Hanna's influence some of Mr. McKinley's personal appointments. Being both a proud and ambitious man, he chafed at a situation which was making his political career end in a cul-de-sac. He had skilfuly managed in the spring of 1903 to use the question of Mr. Roosevelt's indorsement as a weapon with which to attack Mr. Hanna; and although winning a technical victory, he failed in his deeper purpose, which was to bring about an open breach between his colleague and the administration. While the President was in a suspicious state of mind about Mr. Hanna, Senator Foraker very nearly persuaded him to make certain appointments to the Postmasterships of Napoleon and Lima which would have been offensive to the junior Senator. Mr. Hanna was well aware of these machinations. There is evidence that, had he lived, he would at the next favorable opportunity have done his utmost to make Mr. Foraker thereafter a negligible factor in the politics of Ohio.

While the gentlemen mentioned and others were trying to convince the President that Mr. Hanna was acting in bad faith, certain friends of both Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Hanna were working hard to prevent the breach from widening. Among them was Mr. George B. Cortelyou, who, as Mr. McKinley's private secretary, had been close to Mr. Hanna, and who was now secretary of the new Department of Commerce and Labor in President Roosevelt's Cabinet. Being disgusted at an absurd tale which had been carried to him, concerning some remarks which Mr. Hanna had been reported to make about the President, he decided to get at the root of the matter. With this intention he went to see the Senator at the Arlington Hotel, and the two had a long interview. Mr. Hanna declared without qualification that he was not a candidate, that he never had been and never would be a candidate. He had assured the President of that fact, and he was offended because his word was doubted. He was tired, he said, of going to the White House every day, of putting his hand on his heart and being sworn in. It was not a dignified thing for him to do. He had played fair with the President, and he thought that Mr. Roosevelt ought to accept his word at its face value.

Some days later Mr. Cortelyou went to see the President and found him in conference with three friends, one of whom was a member of the Cabinet and another a Senator. The burden of the conversation was that Mr. Hanna's conduct was suspicious and ambiguous. The President sprang from his chair, walked nervously to the open fire and then back to his desk, saying in his emphatic way, "Yes, Mr. Hanna ought to make an unequivocal public statement of his position." At this point Mr. Cortelyou broke in, and said: "You gentlemen do not know what you are talking about. I know that Mr. Hanna has no intention of being a candidate for President." Mr. Roosevelt accepted this assurance as authentic, because he had heard of Mr. Cortelyou's recent interview with Mr. Hanna. That an open breach was avoided was due chiefly to the good offices of such men as Mr. Cortelyou and Mr. James R. Garfield, then Commissioner of Corporations. The latter was in close communication both with Mr. Hanna and the President. While he thought the Senator should make a public statement which