Washington, remaining through the whole of Adams' administration and two years of the first term of Jefferson. When he left America the Federalists were dominant, and on his return he found a new order of things. established. He retired to a beautiful country seat in Jamaica, Long Island, with little inclination for further public life. But he was twice the nominee for Vice-President, and in 1817 was the defeated presidential candidate in opposition to James Monroe, receiving thirty-four electoral

votes.

He was born in Maine in 1755, thus was nine years younger than Pinckney; and he was also bred to the law. He was a member of the old Congress, when New York was the seat of the national government, and in 1786 married the daughter of the rich merchant John Alsop, and made his permanent home in the metropolis. He was an eloquent speaker, a remarkably well informed man, and a model of courtly refinement. He was rich, studiously inclined, possessed a large library, and wrote with ease. He was sent to the Senate of the United States for the third time in 1813, and was re-elected in 1819. He took the lead in opposing the admission of Missouri to the Union as a slave state. In 1825 he was once more sent as minister to the court of St. James.

It is no matter of surprise that the Federalists should have chosen two such men the second time for candidates. In the sixth presidential election, 1809, they were defeated with more eclat than in 1805. Both Pinckney and King received forty-seven votes. The tide was rising. Changes had been at work and the democratic waters were troubled. The treason of Aaron Burr, war in Europe, and the embargo had divided public attention during the greater part of Jefferson's second term. In 1807, when half the mercantile world was sealed up by the British, all the other half by the French, and America in a chronic rage at the condition of affairs, Jefferson wrote: "Nothing can now be believed which is seen in a newspaper. Truth itself becomes suspicious by being put into that polluted vehicle. The real extent of this misinformation is known only to those who are in situations to confront facts within their knowledge with the lies of the day. I really look with commiseration over the great body of my fellow-citizens, who, reading newspapers, live and die in the belief that they have known something of what has been passing in their time; whereas the accounts they have read in newspapers are just as true a history of any other period of the world as of the present, except that the real names of the day are affixed to their fables. I will add, that the man who never looks into a newspaper is better informed than he who reads them; inasmuch as he who knows nothing is nearer to truth than he whose mind is filled with falsehood and errors."

When Jefferson declined to serve for a third term it was a knotty question to determine whether Madison or Monroe should be chosen to succeed him. All the approved appliances for general warfare were brought into requisition, such as personal influence, newspaper articles, and caucus meetings. George Clinton was again defeated in his aspirations for the Presidency; and Monroe's opportunity was deferred. Madison and Clinton, for President and Vice-President, became the nominees; and when the

electoral votes were counted it was found that Madison had received one hundred and twenty-two, and Clinton one hundred and thirteen. Clinton had also received six votes for the Presidency. Three of Clinton's supporters for President-from New York-voted for Madison as Vice-President, and the other three for Monroe.

In 1813 New York again furnished a notable unsuccessful candidate. The country was in the midst of its second war with Great Britain, and

the Presidential contest was animated in the superlative degree. The Federalists adopted De Witt Clinton as their leader, in order effectually to defeat the spirit and policy of an administration which it was claimed had been under French influence and dictation for twelve years. The war disputation had long been the chief point at issue between parties, and the Federalists meanwhile had grown materially in strength, with discord for a steady diet. Matters seemed approaching a terrible crisis. New England declared that the war had been instituted on the most frivolous and

groundless pretenses, and denounced Madison and the whole war party in showers of stinging invectives, and with a degree of violence without parallel in our political history. Josiah Quincy's withering sarcasm in opposing war measures in Congress to the last, led to his being caricatured as a king-a crown upon his head, his coat scarlet, his stockings white silk, two codfishes crossed upon his left breast, and holding a scepter in his hand while proclaiming himself "Josiah the First King of New England, Grand Master of the Noble Order of the Two Codfishes." Governor Caleb Strong of Massachusetts, and Governor Roger Griswold of Connecticut fearlessly refused to honor the President's call for troops, and denied the constitutional validity of the articles of war enacted by Congress. Madison feared, and with good reason, that New England would secede from the Union, for she threatened to negotiate peace for herself alone, and let the rest of the country fight until satisfied. The convention of Federalists that assembled in New York City in September, 1812, to agree upon a candidate, met privately with closed doors. De Witt Clinton was not a Federalist, but he was an advocate for peace. He had already received the nomination from the New York Republicans, a movement opposed with great bitterness by some of the factions of what was the remnant of the old Burr party. The Federalists were tolerably unanimous in their choice of Clinton. They thought him a giant in certain directions. He was only forty-three years of age, and had his candidacy proved a success he would have been the youngest President on record. His public career had commenced earlier than that of most men. He was mayor of New York City at the age of thirty-four, and gave up his seat in the Senate of the United States to accept the office. Since then he had solved grave problems and pushed into successful operation many important schemes of learning and benevolence. He was a weak politician in numerous particulars. He had no gifts for strategy or cunning device, but he could stand abuse like a Christian martyr.

He was one of the most splendid looking men of the age, very tall, with a large, finely proportioned figure, bore himself with dignity, and was deliberate in all his movements. His enemies criticised his manners as savoring too much of arrogance. His shapely head was admirably poised, and attracted attention from the great height and breadth of his forehead; he had beautiful curly chestnut hair, clear, hazel, thoughtful eyes, a Grecian nose, and fair complexion. He was a classical scholar and a man of varied accomplishments; his reading was wide in its range, and he was perfectly familiar with the contents of every volume in his large and valuable library; he was well versed in theology and captivated by science.

Jared Ingersoll, Attorney-General of Pennsylvania, son of Jared Ingersoll, of Connecticut and stamp-act fame, was the nominee for Vice-President.

The results of the election were one hundred and twenty-eight electoral votes for Madison, and eighty-nine for De Witt Clinton. Elbridge Gerry received one hundred and thirteen votes, and duly became Vice-President. Mr. Ingersoll received eighty-six votes.

Within the next four years peace had been declared, and prosperity had returned to bless the American people. The retirement of Madison led to the nomination of Monroe. Rufus King-as before stated-was the opposing and unsuccessful candidate. A portion of the Democracy desired the elevation of Daniel D. Tompkins of New York to the Presidential chair, but he withdrew his name, and was then nominated for Vice-President. New York seemed to have the knack for supplying candidates. The election in 1817 was a marvel of quiet good order. The "era of good feeling" had commenced in earnest. Other subjects than politics occupied the public mind. Monroe and Tompkins each received one hundred and eighty-three votes. At the second election of Monroe in 1821, the very unsuccessful candidate in opposition to him was John Quincy Adams, who received but one solitary vote! Two hundred and thirty votes were given to Monroe, and two hundred and eighteen to Tompkins.

But this serene state of affairs was only the delusive calm before the rising and approaching storm. Party lines had been almost obliterated through the characteristic prudence of President Monroe. Thus when the tenth Presidential campaign was inaugurated, the candidates, John Quincy Adams, Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay, and William H. Crawford, singularly enough all subscribed substantially to the same political creed. The struggle was a personal and sectional one rather than of a party nature. There was never any other like it in this country before or since. It bristles with interest from the fact that new parties took their rise from it. In many of its features it was more spirited and agitating than any previous 'contest except the first election of Jefferson. But there was an absence of rancorous assault upon the individual candidates themselves, that even in this far-away view is refreshing. They had all been in the public service, and in every instance fitness for the distinguished post was conceded. John Quincy Adams, as premier under the courteous, discreet, peace-loving Monroe for eight years, had conducted a dignified and acceptable foreign policy, and was thoroughly conversant with domestic affairs as well. The candidate who most nearly missed a place in our catalogue of the unsuccessful, was William H. Crawford. He had been Secretary of the Treasury nine years, and prior to that period had been for a short time at