of the way, he had been ordered to the Pacific coast but had refused to go. It is certain that in this exciting period, fraught with so much danger to our institutions, there were not wanting hotheaded partisans who would have staked everything upon the accomplishment of their political purposes; but it is not less certain that the name of the gallant soldier was used without the slightest authority in the bombastic talk which preceded the formation of the Electoral Commission. General Hancock, with probably a majority of the American people, believed that Mr. Tilden had been elected, but no man would have more strongly opposed a resort to unlawful violence. During the great labor riots of 1877 Hancock moved his headquarters to Philadelphia to be near the scene of the troubles, and exhibited energy as well as prudence and foresight in dealing with the new emergencies which had developed in the life of the nation.

As the presidential campaign of 1880 approached it became more and more probable that the nomination of the Democratic party would fall to General Hancock. His splendid military career, his lifelong. devotion to the constitutional views of that party, the record of his administration in Louisiana and Texas, his purity of character and dignity of bearing all combined to make him a strong candidate, as seen before the fact. The Republican party had in May nominated General Garfield, better known

through his civil than through his military career; and the painful contest which would have resulted from the rivalry of Hancock and Grant, had the latter been set up for a third term, was thus avoided. The Democratic Convention assembled at Cincinnati in June. The two foremost candidates were Hancock and Bayard. Hancock led on the first ballot, but by no large interval. On the second ballot he carried all before him, and was declared unanimously nominated.

The platform of the Democratic party was, like the platforms of those days, Democratic and Republican alike, made up of declarations intended for immediate effect, but not esteemed of the slightest binding force upon the declarants should they be placed in power. The one vital thing about it was the denunciation of the measures by which Mr. Tilden had been thrown out. This was hearty and sincere enough. The nominee's letter of acceptance was a good letter, not strong or great, but expressive of loyal and patriotic purposes. That Han cock would have made a dignified, a gracious, a high-minded President no political opponent, probably, would now deny. Perhaps it required the administration of Mr. Chester A. Arthur to teach the country how far the mere instincts and bearing of a gentleman will, by themselves, go in making the presidency respected and even successful. Although I did not vote for General Hancock, I am strongly

disposed to believe that one of the best things the nation has lost in recent years has been the example and the influence of that chivalric, stately, and splendid gentleman in the White House. Perhaps much which both parties now recognize as having been unfortunate and mischievous during the past thirteen years would have been avoided had General Hancock been elected.

But, as a matter of fact, Hancock did not prove a particularly strong candidate before the country. His party had, at the time, no real issue to make with their opponents. The vital question with them, as with the other side, was really one of the spoils of office; and neither the qualities nor the career of the heroic soldier whom they had for effect nominated, were such as to create much political force in the campaign. The "workers" everywhere exhibited apathy-Hancock was not of their kind. Some blunderhead, distorting a remark which the good general had made in a friendly talk about the tariff, brought a little ridicule upon his candidature; but this, in fact, counted for nothing in the result. Garfield, with the prestige of five successive Republican victories and with the vast patronage of the general government behind him, carried the election by a small popular majority-a few thousands only—and by a majority of fifty-nine votes in the electoral college.

His defeat Hancock bore with perfect dignity

and unimpaired good nature. On the night of the election he went to bed without waiting for a single return, and first learned the news in the morning. His profession at least remained, and that profession was one that absolutely suited him. His taste of politics had been bitter rather than sweet, and he was probably never less inclined to presidential aspirations than on November 3, 1880. He had borne himself throughout the campaign without loss of reputation. Not a word had anywhere, by any man, been spoken against his character. From being a candidate he turned himself easily to the duties of his high office, to the ever-fresh delights of army comradeship, and to the comforts of a home which was dearer to him by reason of the great and irreparable loss which had there been sustained. His staff were to him like brothers or like sons-Fry, Arnold, Perry, Mitchell. Every day brought its welcome duties and cares, for Hancock was always full of business even if he had to make it. And there was such pleasure to a truly generous soul like his in dispensing the hospitality of headquarters on Governor's Island, and in welcoming the hundreds of old comrades who came from far and near to see once more the commander and friend of the war times.

And so Hancock-his blond locks grown gray, his youthful beauty faded under labors, griefs, and wounds, but more majestic than even in his palmy

days-was not an unhappy or a disappointed man. His only son had married, and grandchildren came to bring balm to the heart that had been so sorely bruised in the fair daughter's early death. With his superb physique and powerful constitution it seemed that he might long live to be one of the most conspicuous figures of the regenerated nation, and to lift the hearts of his surviving comrades at the recurring celebrations of peace, as he had so powerfully done on the march and in battle. But the wounds of the war * and those which had been dealt by domestic affliction had come nearer to the springs of life than any one imagined. And other blows were soon to fall upon that kind heart.

On May 30, 1883, General William G. Mitchell, who had been his aid as early as the battle of Williamsburg, and had served on his staff with more than the devotion of a son, with a love and a spirit of hero-worship rare to witness, died suddenly at his headquarters. Only those who knew the tenderness of the relation between the younger man and his chief could understand the depths of that sorrow, the bereavement wrought by that loss. For twenty-one years, was any paper wanted, "Mitchell!" had been the first call; was a secret to be reposed anywhere, that faithful bosom received

* Even so late as the Dyer Court of Inquiry, in 1869, Hancock's Gettysburg wound for a time disabled him, and required him to seek temporary relief from his duties.