gives 15.1665 as the proportion which silver and gold, in the Dutch coin, bear to one another The geometrical unean of these calculations, is 15.2451; the arithmetical mean is somewhat higher, being 15.2655. Either of these, compared with the proportions formed in the late coinage of this country, will sufficiently account for the gold coin being either exported or melted down at home. The advantage of counterfeiting this coin is obvious, where

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For 1814 1,006 92

1815, 2,000 54

1816, 2,002 11 1817, 3,227 41–7,636 98 | Which added to - - - S589,522 22

Will make the whole cost of this part—— ... of the road, including the repairs $597,169 20 The statement made by Mr. Thomson, superin

the counterfeit might contain the same quantity of tendant for the western division of the road, exhi

silver of the same degree of purity as the current money of the realm, and yet afford an adequate adwantage to those who counterfeitit. o, c. The following statement exhibits the gross weight and degree of fineness of a variety of foreign coins,

which have occasionally been brought to the mint; Amt. agreeable to contract

bits the following result, which he says is as correct as he is able to make it, in the present rough state of the work: The distance contracted for is 36 miles, and 213 poles: 616,534 62 1.8

of the United States, mostly obtained from experi- Work done, has cost, $275,445

ments made on single pieces; and, it is believed, may | Will cost to finish

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be considered as nearly correct, so far as relates to Bill drawn in payments 218,874 60

the piece under trial; yet perhaps, in all cases, it may not be sufficiently accurate to estimate with precision their respective national standards. The officers of the mint are more conversant with the French and Spanish coins. The modern gold and silver coins of France, commencing with the Bonapartean system, and denominated francs, contain nine parts pure metal, and one part alloy; and the same standard, as well as denomination, appears to be adhered to by the present government with great exactness. Although the same uniformity of standards is not observable in the gold and silver coins of Spain, yet, as the average quality of their dollar approximates so near to those of France, it may not be unsafe to conclude their legal standard for dollars, and parts of dollars, is the same.

Gross weight. deg. of finencss.

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Holland piece of 3 guilders 1 0 14 0 19
Rix Thayler of Denmark, - o 14 19 11 o
Austrian Thayler, (Maria Theresa) - 1 o 10 2. o
Bavarian piece (of 1816) - 19 6 10 10 o
Brabant Krone, (Francis II.) - 19 0 10 10 0
Dueatoon of Holland, 1 1 o 11 5 -
A 20 Krentzer piece, - - 4 4. 6 19 18
A Russian Ruble, - 13 8 10 9 o
Crown piece of Portugal, - 9 9 10 17 12
Switzerland piece, 40 Baty (Canton
of Zurich) - 13 21 10 12 6
do (Canton
of Luzerne) - 18 20 10 16 6
Barcelona piece (5 pesetas) - 17 6 10 16 o
Africa (Sierra Leone) dollar - 16 13 9 17 0
Portuguese ditto i - 17 10 10 16 o
Chili ditto • 17 6 10 17 6
Province Rio de la Plata, do. 12

- 17 7 10 15 JOSEPH RICHARDSON, Assayer. Mint of the United States, 27th of the 12th month, 1818.

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Take the amount as stated, agreeable to con| tract, 616,564 dollars, and divide it by 36, makes the cost of the last 38 miles, a little more than seventeen thousand one hundred and twenty sia dollars per mile. | The probable cost of the whole road, from Cumberland, in Maryland, to Wheeling, in Virginia, | something exceeding 96 miles, when completed, is estimatcd at one million sir hundred and sirty thousand dollars, including 60,000 dollars for the Monongainela bridge; of which four hundred and fifty thousand dollars is the amount estimated yet to be contracted for, and the probable cost of the road made and contracted for, is stated at one million two hundred and six thousand dollars, Sixty miles of the road is completed. The secretary of the treasury, in submitting the statements to the house of representatives says, by comparing them, it will be seen that the mason work cast and west of the Monongahela are extremely different. 'I his difference has been pointed out to the superintendant of the western part of the road, and he believes a considerable saving will be effected upon the estimate which the superintendant has furnished. Greensburgh Repub.

Philadelphia Bills of Mortality.

The whole amount of deaths in the city and liberties of Philadelphia for the entire year of 1818, was 2765. Greatest number in July, 321; least in December, 196—greatest of adults in January, 163; least in October, 95. Greatest of children in July, 178; least in November, 59. Of those who died, 628 were under 1 year; 332 from 1 to 5; 68 from 5 to 10; 35 from 10 to 15; 39 from 15 to 20; 370 from 20 to 30; 416 from 30 to 40; 316 from 40 to 50; 187 from 50 to 60, 138 from 60 to 70, 90 from 70 to 80; 67 from 80 to 90; 24 from 90 to 100; 5 from 100 to 110. Diseases—Consumption 396, cholera morbus 203; convulsions 141; fever-typhus 311,–other fevers 181; dropsy 99; d.o. in the head 67; do. in the breast 5; still born 156; debility 89; atrophy 46; appolexy 40; hives 48; various inflamations 170; old age 65; pleurisy 25; palsy 37; smallF. (natural) 8, &c. The population is supposed to amount to 120,000. Porcelain. The manufacture of China ware, or porcelain, equal in firmness to the French, has been commenced in New-York. At the monthly meeting of the Historical society, a few days ago, samples of the articles prepared by Mr. Mead, from domestic materials, were presented for inspection. Their forms, their composition, their enamelling and everything, gave universalsatisfaction.

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BALTIMORE, MARCH 6, 1819. [No. 2–Vol. xvi. whole No. 392.

The PA8T-the PRESENT-Fort the Furuhe.


Mechanical convenience forbade the publication of an intended supplement to the present number; and also, as yet, prevents us from getting out the index for the last volume.

General Jackson. Whilst the people were tendering the honest homage of their hearts to the MAN or onleans, and conferring upon him every public honor which they had the power to bestow, whilst they recegnized in the intrepid soldier the polished manners of a gentleman, with the mild deportment of the citizen,

a committee of the senate of the United States—the

most dignified tribunal known to the constitution,
save that from which all lawful authority is derived,
was engaged in preparing very solemn and serious
charges against him—to bring him before the bar
of the public reason loaded with reproaches, as a
flagrant violator of the most important fundamental
principles of right, justice and law. See the re-
port, page 33.
We have no present intention to examine the
factsstated in this report, nortomake any remarks up-
on it. But, however, we feel it our duty to say—
that we believe them to be untenable, by proof, or
to be excused, as to the general himself, by the sanc-
tion of his superior, the president of the United
States: all which will probably appear before ma-
It is not our practice to interfere in party politics
—to extol the ins and censure the outs, or vice versa;
and we do not care to the value of a one dollar Owl
Creek bank note, whether a president of the United
States comes from the east, west, south or north:
else we might say much, and would say it warmly
too, about the proceedings that have been had re-
specting general Jackson. If we do not know we
certainly believe, that among his opponents, in or
but of congress, there are some men who have bean
influenced only by a generous love for the constitu-
tion and liberties of our country; but we are equal-
ly certain, that others have been led to array them-
selves against him through passion and prejudice,
or with a secret design to affect the approaching
election of president. In short, and in common phrase,
that they have “struck at another man over his
shoulders.” This is our serious opinion.
The story has been so often told in the news-
P"pers, that party had nothing to do in the question
relating to the Seminole war, that many have be-
Pieved it.
the happy contrivance of recording the yeas and
nays, proves that we are correct—unless we admit
that one of the two great political sections in con-
gress is much more regardful of the constitution of
the United States than the other, an idea that can-
not be tolerated is this “era of good feelings!”
It is of no importance, at this time, for us to de-

The National Intelligencer, received since this article was in type, says—“We are authorised and requested to state, for the satisfaction of those who *el interested in the information, that strictures on the report of the committee of the senate in respect to the Seminole war, are in preparation, and will be *ortly offered to the public eye, and that in their *racter, they will be both ample and fice.”

, Völ, XY 1.-3,

We always believed the contrary, and,

clare, yea or may, whether all that general Jackson
has done is in conformity to our opinions of right,
though we take it for granted that every transaction
of his, since he took the field, has resulted in a present
good to his country; yet as “gold may be purchased
too dear,” a good thing may be produced by danger-
ous means:—and, if he has committed wrong to the
constitution and laws of his country, or outraged hu-
manity, let him be punished. But even -irburthnot
and Ambrister were suffered to plead in their own
defence, and shall we refuse the like privilege to a
man whose deeds of high renown are as imperisha-
ble to his glory, as the history of the republic. Still,
his services must not be plead in extenuation of a soli.
tary wrong, wilfully committed. We would rather
that Jackson should perish, than that any one in the
United States should be above the law—but it is
due him that he should be fairly tried, and upon his
own merits.
With due deference to the “collected wisdom of
the nation” in congress assembled, yet knowing also
that the members are mere men, liable to errors in
judgment, and subject to the influence of party, pre-
judice or passion, like others—we contend that
both houses have mistaken their power in suppos.
ing that the general was directly responsible to
either of them for any transaction of his military life,
circumstanced as he was. Admit that the majority
in both houses had agreed to censure general Jack-
son, where are their means to punish? Can it be
believed that a simple vote of disapprobation in con.
gress, would punish him sufficiently for the outra-
ges with which he was charged? Nay, nay—if he is
guilty of the things preferred against him, his life
would be a poor forfeit to the insulted justice of his
If such punishment is due, but that congress has
no power to inflict it—what could all the long re.
ports and long speeches have amounted to? Only
to this—to prejudice the tribunal before whom the
general might be summoned to appear in fact, to
order it to condemn him! Thus, is our opinion, con-
gress acted as unadvisedly as the general is charge-
ed with doing; having fallen into the very error that
was reprehended in him, as though he punished
without trial:
The fact is universally believed, that the presi.
dent has sanctioned the conduct of Jackson, in e.e-
tenso—in many cases by an open approval, or justifi-
cation of his proceedings, and in all the rest by a tacit
acquiescence in them. The general, them, is exone-
rated from blame, until the president is found guil-
ty of wrong. If his acts were unsupported by the
constitution and laws of his country, they now are the
acts of the executive, the agent being approved by
it; let the executive be punished first, and the gene.
ral will naturally suffer.
If this view of the subject is correct—if the ac's
of general Jackson have by any means become the
acts of the president, (and they must be so regard.
ed, seeing that the general has not be en put upon
his trial for any of them), what shall we to ok of the
house of representatives, as the grand inquest of the
nation, and of the senate, as the Supreme judge, for
acting on the case as they have done’. Locs is not

appear as if they wonld have indicted, tried and punished the Rresident, when the general only v.: ,

seemingly before them. They might have requested, and perhaps ordered (at least we hope that there is such a power in the representatives of the people), the president of the United States to institute an enquiry into the conduct of the general,

and possibly have directed a court martial to be What theni–if the president

held upon him. refused to carry such order into execution, he might be brought before the bar of the senate; but, if the order was put into operation, the president would stand as impeached for neglect of duty in not having done it before! In every view that we can give to the matter, this seems to be the conclusion—that it is the president, and not the general, who is responsible to congress for acts committed in the Seminole war, as things are now situated. We do not know whether this ground has been taken or not, by any of the speakers in congress, having yet read but a few of the speeches, and those very slightly.” We apprehend, however, that it will appear to be so manifestly just to the people, that they will, like ourselves, be nearly ready to believe it was the president who was really under trial instead of general Jackson. If this belief is founded upon the facts of the case, and the general had been condemned in the senate, for calling out or accepting the volunteers from Tennessee—and he, to justify himself, had shewn that that act was approved by the executive, in the warnest terms, what would be the state of the affair? The senate we know are the judges on an impeachment of the president, and the result would have been, that they had already found him guilty, though unarraigned, of a violation of the constitution.” In courts of law, in cases of appeals, the judge who has decided on a controversy, retires from the bench,--would not then the senate, according to common sense and common law, have been rendered incompetent to try the president–seeing that the sanction of the president must be accepted as the justification of his subordinate officer? we like plain dealing—in common phrase, we wish that “every tub should stand upon its own bottom.” We are not interested in the re-election of Mr. Monroe, though generally pleased with his administration, because we have fallen into the opimion that the republic would be better served, if the presidency were held for four years only. Still, he claims of his countrymen a frank and honorable oposition. For his sins of commission or of omission, ic ought to be directly charged, if any such are sufficient to divest him of the good will of the people; but we dislike all round-about ways for arriving at truth, and decidedly reject the practice which too often prevails amongst politicians, of censuring one man in the name of another. The reader must not suppose by the preceding remarks that we intend to devote the REGISTER to

“We have just observed that this ground was taken by Mr. Poindexter and others during the de;bates about the Seminole war, in the house of representatives. It seemed to be admitted, by the oppo

site side, that no act of legislation could grow out of the proceedings; but it was contended, that the

house had a right to express an “opinion” on the subject. Thus then, the house of representatives of the United States, spent three week of most precious time, to the neglect of much important business required by the nation, and the postponement of the just claims of many private citizens, to the ruin perhaps, of some of them, to give an “opinion” which could not have had any legal bearing upon the person or his conduct censured by it!

party politics or electioneering purposes, thoughs
we have felt it right to say something on a subject
which has so much engaged the attention of con-
gress and the people. We shall not do either; sim-
ply desiring on this occasion to present our impres–
sions concerning a very important affair, and to re-
commend republican frankness to all politicians.
We have only to add, that the principal charge

in the report of the senate, as to the acceptance of
volunteers, was, as we are informed, justified by for-
mer usage, and positively approved in this. The
order respecting St. Augustine depended on a con-
tingency—that is, if the facts as reported were true.
The Washington City Gazette says that Messrs. King-

the report, and intended to have presented a counter statement (as the editor understands) “but that the session was too near a close to attempt anything like discussion.”" There are some who believe that the late appearance of the report was not incidental to, or in any manner connected with the period at which a knowledge was possessed of the things it reproves—and it seems unfair, that general Jackson must remain subject to all the odium which the report can cast upon him until the next session of congress, or treat the senate with what may be construed into disrespect, hy defending himself before his fel; low citizens. It is like “hanging a man first and trying him afterwards.” --- Revolutionary Matters. The following letter, addressed to the editor of the Registen, is from a gentleman of the highest standing in Virginia—and inserted with great pleasure, in justice to the patriotic efforts of an illustrious friend of freedom. To THE EDITOR OF THE REGISTER. * SIR,--I have read with much interest the several communications from the late president Apaxts, which are preserved in your fourteenth volume: and though a Virginian, and as zealous for the honor of my country as any individual in it, I am not less devoted to truth, and real merit, whereever it may be found. I therefore subjoin with pleasure, an extract from the first volume of Almon’s Pemembrancer entitled Prior Documents, printed in London in the year 1777, in confirmation of the high standing, and important services of JAMEs Otis, esquire, of Massachusetts, as attested by Mr. An AMs. EXTRACT, From “the report of the lords committees, ap pointed by the house of lords to enquire into the several proceedings in the colony of Massachusetts bay, in opposition to the sovereignty of his majesty, in his parliament of Great Britain, over that province.” “The committee having perused the report of the board of trade of the 11th day of December 1764, and the papers laid before his majesty therewith: find in the said papers the strongest assertions by the assembly of the Massachusetts bay, of their sole right to pass laws, particularly of taxation, and of their resolution to invite the other colonies to combine with them in measures to prevent the king in his parliament, from passing any such laws; for instance, in a letter to Mr. Mauduit then agent of the province, which was drawn up by a committee of the house of representatives, and afterwards approved by the house, they use the followog expressions: The silence of the province shood have been to: to any cause, even to dest air, rather than

be construed into a tacit cession of 15 or rights, or an knowledgment of a right in the parliament o

and Eaton, two of the committee, were opposed to . Great Britain, to impose duties and taxes upon a people who are not represented in the house of commons.”—And in the same letter they avowed and authenticated the doctrines advanced in a certain pain.phlet, entituled, “The rights of the British colonies asserted and proved,” written by JAMEs Otis, esguire, which pamphlet amongst other things, says “that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on lands, or houses, or ships, or real or personal, fixed or floating property in the colonies, is absolutely irreconcileable with the rights of the colonies, as British subjects, and as men.” A stronger evidence of Mr. Otis's merit, as the enlightened patriot, and a friend of his country, and of his early services to her, need not be produced. Virginia, February 7, 1819.

Supreme Court of the U. States. Several decisions made at the present sitting of the supreme court of the United States, are of great and general importance, and the opinions on such cases shall be inserted when received, for the use of the patrons of the Registen. We have already noticed the case of Sturges vs. Crowninshield-–the following additional accounts of it must satisfy the public curiosity until the report of it is published— The .New York Evening Post, speaking of this case, says—“We have been favored with the perusal of a letter received by a gentleman of the bar at this city from Washington, dated the 25th February, stating the substance of the opinion of the supreme court of the United States in the above case—which is as follows: “Discharges under state insolvent laws exempt the body of the debtor from imprisonment; but his property subsequently acquired is liable to his creditors; or in other words, the contract is discharged as to the person, but uot as to the future estate of the party.” It is further decided that, until congress acts upon £he subject, the states may pass insolvent or bankrupt laws, which, however, can have no other effect than is above stated; but may be beneficial in putting an end to the partial dispositions of property, which now operate so severely upon the great mass of the creditors of those who fail among us. This is all that has yet been settled upon this interesting subject. Gentlemen of the profession will perceive that many points remain for discus-siott. Our readers may be satisfied that the source whence the above information is derived is such as to preclude all doubts of its authenticity. The Baltimore -linerican observes.—We understand that the judges of the supreme court of the United States have in every instance recognized as legal and constitutional, the act of limitation existing in the different states, it being an evidence of debt which the legislature have the power to prescribe and determine. This information being derived from a member of the court, may be confidently relied on. Hence it follows that debts of longer standing than three years, are barred by the statute of limi. tation; and as the legislature at their last session extended the operation of this law to foreigners and residents of other states having claims against citizens of Maryland—the effect of the late decision becomes much more partial and limited than was apprehended. On the 25th ult. Mr. Justice Story delivered the opinion of the court, in the case of the brig Friends

chaft and cargo, argued by Mr. Ogden and Mr. Wheaton for the captors, and by Mr. Hopkinson, for claimants. The sentence of the circuit court was affirmed and the property condemned. This decision settles a point of law very important to the mercantile world, that where a house is established in the enemy’s country, and one or more of the partners reside in the United States, or in a neutral country, his share is liable to condemnation as a prize of war, notwithstanding his personal domicil in the neutral country, as well as the shares of his copartners, who are actually resident in the enemy’s country. On Wednesday last, Mr. Pinckney concluded his argument in the case of McCulloh vs. the state of Maryland, involving the question as to the right of the states to tax the bank of the United States.

Treaty with Spain. It is announced in the account of Saturday's proceedings in the house of representatives, that the president has officially communicated to congress the treaty with Spain, which has been solemniy atified on our part, and will no doubt be promptly ratified by the government of Spain. With a view to this event, a bill has been introduced, and will probably become a law,authorizing the executive, in that contingency, to receive the territory from the hands of the Spanish authorities, and establish a provisional government therein. The treaty was read in the house of representatives with open doors, but is not to be published in eartenso, the usage in such cases requiring it should not be promulgated until formally ratified. We have little doubt, however, that a copy of it will shortly find its way to the press. Meanwhile, it is sufficient to state, that the summary we gave of its contents appears to have been pretty correct, with the following additions— All grants made by Spain in the ceded territory, anterior to the 1st day of January, 1818, are to be respected. The islands adjacent to Florida are ceded, with the territory. It is stipulated that the territory shall, having the necessary requisites, be admitted into the union on an equal footing with the original states.—A’at. Int.

State Banks, &c.

Letter from the secretary of the treasury, communicating information, pursuant to a resolution of the house of representatives, of the 22d inst. in relation to the balances due by the state banks to the bank of the United States. February 25, 1819. Itead and ordered to lie upon the table. Tr: E.Ast R v D EP A RTMENT. 24th February, 1819. SIR-In obedience to a resolution of the house of representatives, of the 22d instant, directing the secretary of the treasury “to inform the house, whether any, and, if any, what part of the balances from the state banks, to the bank of the United States, under the second article of the compact between them, for which balances the bank of the United States was to receive interest, were retained by the bank of the United States, as special deposits for which it was not obliged to pay specie upon demand”, I have the honor to state, that no part of the sums transferred to the bank of the United States by the treasurer of the U. States, upon which interest was payable by the state banks to that institution, was considered as special deposit. The bank was

bound to pay for the sums so deposited, specie whenever demanded. In the case of the transfers made subsequently to the 30th of June, 1817, a proposition on the part of a state bank to pay interest on the sum transferred, when accepted by the bank of the United States, changed the character of the deposit from special to general deposit, and subjected the bank to the payment of specie when demanded. I have the honor to be, your most obedient servant, W.M. H. CRAWFORD. Hon. Henry Clay, Speaker of the house of representatives.

Honors to general Jackson.

The late tour of this distinguished commander has given an opportunity to a small portion of his fellowsitizens, to afford an evidence of their regard for his invaluable services to his country. As the fame of such men is the property of the nation, we have cheerfully given up a few pages of our paper to record some of the things that occured.

We have already noticed his passage through Baltimore, proceeding eastward, and assigned the reasons why this patriotic city did not offer to him the first testimony of public respect—the people being unadvised of his expected arrival, and it was a continued snow storm during his short stay with tis. IIe was however, waited upon and the arrangements made, for those things which took place on Juis return.

Arriving at Philadelphia, the general was waited upon by the militia officers of the division, on which occasion a neat address and reply were delivered and received." On Thursday the 18th ult, he dimed at the Washington hall hotel, a large and very respectable company being present—major Pierce Butler, presided, assisted by Charles Biddle and Chandler Price, esquires, as vice presidents. The

*Philadelphia Feb. 19.—The officers of the 1st di. vision Pennsylvania militia yesterday assembled to pay their respects to major general Jackson; when £eneral Cadwalader, at the request of the meeting, addressed him as follows:

General, The officers of the militia of the 1st division, who now wait upon you, desire me to express the high respect they entertain for your valor and patriotism, and the satisfaction they feelin seeing amongst them a man,to whose consummate prudence, skill and energy the nation is so largely indebted; whose name, identified with the glory of our country, naturally excites the recollection of her proudest achievments.

I make this communication in behalf of major general Worrell; and permit me to add, that in these sentiments of my brother officers, I most cordialiy participate. *

rt P. pi. Y.

Gentlemen, To meet you and the militia officers of the 1st division affords me the highest gratification.

The military ardor and patriotism,ever evanced by the citizens of Philadelphia and the adjoining districts; their zealous devotion to the constituted principles of our government; is the utmost o that they will ever prove the guardians of their country's liberty in peace; in war, its bulwark and defence.

For the polite attentions with which you have been pleased to honor me, and the flattering opinion you have expressed of my services, permit one to present to you and your associates my acknow}c.:gements. AN LREW JACKSGN.

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toasts drank were neat and appropriate. The fol. lowing was given By the president of the day.—Our illustrious guest, major general Andrew Jackson—May he long enjoy the affections of his fellow citizens, for his gallant services on various occasions, particularly in the signal repulse of an invading army, near NewOrleans. After this toast, general Jackson, in a dignified and impressive manner, offered his thanks for the polite attentions and distinguished honors he had received, and expressing his high sense of the grati. tude we owed the heroes and statesmen of the revolution, for our present happiness and elevated national character, he gave the following toast: The memory of Benjamin Franklin.f The general left Philadelphia on the 19th and reached at New York on the 20th. When the steam boat in which he was arrived off the battery, a salute was fired by a corps of artillery stationed there; and on landing, he was escorted by the “Governor's Guards” to the City Hall. Previous to his arrival, the common council had met and acting in the name of the citizens of New-York, voted to him the free. dom of the city, in a gold box, with suitable inscriptions, passed a resolution requesting his portrait, and appointed a committe of their own body to re. ceive him and wait upon him during his stay. A very respectable committee of the citizens had also invited him to partake of a public dinner, which the warrior frankly accepted of; and major gen. Morton, in a very handsome general order, directed the di. vision of artillery to hold itself in readiness to honor him by such services as might be required, &c. He dined with the mayor on the day of his arrival. and attended the theatre that evening. It was crowded to excess, and he was received with shouts of applause that for a considerable time suspended the performance. The next day he partook of the public dinner prepared at Tammany Hall,which was tastefully decorated for the occasion. The mayor presided, supported by several most respectable vice presidents, Tha company consisted of nearly four hundred persons. The toasts were all exceedingly good; we se. lect the following as specially belonging to the occa. Sion. Andrew Jackson—The saviour of the south: while the Mississippi bears her tribute to the ocean, his name and his deeds want no other remembrancer, The Spartan band of modern story—The volun; teers of Kentucky and Tennessee on the ramparts of New Orleans. The other toasts were, the president—the vice president—the constituted authorities of the United States—the United States—Washington—Franklin; agriculture—commerce—domestic manufactures— —the sovereign people—new states—the armythe navy—the militia—John Adams—Thomas Jef. ferson—James Madison, &c. with appropriate compliments or appendages. The general’s volunteer was, the governor of the state—DeWitt Clinton. On the 22d, there was a very splendid ball and supper in honor of Wassington's birth day, but the opportunity was also embraced to honor the gene

*The memory of Washington was one of the reguiar toasts. It would be well generally, to associate the names of these illustrious dead together. The nature of their services to their country and to mankind, was different, yet each gave equal lustre to the American character, and will long be cherished o o hearts of the good and enlightened of every all Cl,

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