upon this all-absorbing subject. Mr. Memminger was, from the deliberate convictions of his judgment, opposed to separate State action, and was among the leaders of the "Co-operation Party," who hoped that in a general Congress of the Southern States there could be such action taken as would remedy the grievances of which the South had just reason to complain, and who deprecated secession as the sure means of provoking civil war. He held, with Mr. Calhoun, that the relations existing between the several States were defined in the Constitution of the Union as a compact of agreement, which one or more might have the right to withdraw from; but that the other States, as parties to this compact, had the right to determine for themselves the question as to whether the seceding State or States had sufficient grounds to withdraw from the compact of association, and by coercive measures, if deemed necessary, to force the seceding State to remain a party to the co-partnership or confederation in the event that they should determine that the compact had been broken without just and sufficient cause. In other words, that while secession from the Union was a right, it was a revolutionary right, and, under the circumstances then investing the State of South Carolina, would result in Assured of this, the question of grave consideration with Mr. Memminger was, is the State ready to meet the consequences of secession? is South Carolina prepared in resources to maintain her right of secession if it should be resisted?

war.

Believing that in a Congress of the Southern States such measures could be instituted as would bring about either an adjustment of the causes of complaint or secure the co-operation of all of the Southern States in the act of secession, Mr. Memminger, at an early period in the discussion of the bill to call a convention of the people, introduced the following preamble and order:

Whereas the convention of the slave-holding States lately held in Nashville hath recommended the meeting of a Southern Congress; and, whereas, the State of Mississippi hath taken such action thereupon as will necessarily postpone the meeting of said Congress beyond the day appointed by the Constitution for the reassembling of this General Assembly in November next; and, whereas, it is proper that the meeting of the Southern Congress should precede any action of a convention of the people of this State; therefore, it is ordered, That the further consideration of the bill before this House providing for the call of a convention of the people of this State, be postponed until the Monday next ensuing the first day of the session of this General Assembly in November next.

This order was not agreed to, the vote being forty-seven to seventy-four. It now became manifest that the House was determined to call a convention. Several bills having this object in view and providing for the election of delegates to a Southern Congress were introduced and discussed at length. Finally these were all embodied in a substitute presented by Mr. James H. Campbell, providing for the appointment of a certain number of delegates by the Legislature, and the election of others by the people, who should represent South Carolina in a convention or congress to be held at such time and place as the States desiring to be represented may designate; and, furthermore, providing for a convention of the people of South Carolina, at Columbia, at such time as the Governor may appoint.

Upon the adjournment of the Legislature the all-absorbing subject brought before the people was that of secession. Candidates were soon announced for the office of delegate to the Southern Congress, and the issue fairly made as to whether South Carolina should withdraw from the Union alone, or wait until she could secure the co-operation of her sister Southern States. There had never been known so great an excitement among the people of the State. Mass meetings of citizens were held in the several districts, and the people addressed at length by speakers who were either secessionists or co-operationists. At the solicitation of the

Conservative party at Greenville and at Pendleton, Mr. Memminger visited these places in the spring and summer of 1851, delivering at each place an address, which was construed by the extreme Secessionists as being in advocacy of separate State action. Considering that the reports of these addresses were misrepresentations of his real convictions, on his return to Charleston, in the month of September, Mr. Memminger delivered an address at a public meeting of the friends of Co-operation, called for the purpose of nominating delegates to the Southern Congress. This address was one of great force, and had much to do in arresting the tide of passion which appeared to be bearing on its flood the destinies of the State. Many copies of it were printed by the Executive Committee of the Co-operation Party, and widely distributed throughout the State. I reproduce it here as presenting the state of feeling not only, but as giving to the reader the argument, which was then strong enough to overcome the advocates of separate and immediate State action.

Fellow Citizens,—I rise to move the adoption of the address and nomination which has just been submitted. I rejoice that the committee have united in recommending two gentlemen, so well known to us, by a life of public service and of devotion to the public interest. In the stake which they have in the community, and in their common sympathies and opinions, we feel they are thoroughly united with us, and to their integrity and zeal for the public good, we can safely entrust our dearest interests.

It may not have occurred to all who hear me that this election is of great importance to our State. Casual observation might lead to the belief that inasmuch as this Congress will probably never meet, it is useless to make any selection as to the men who are to be its nominal members. But let it be borne in mind that a convention of the people of this State has been ordered by the Legislature, which will probably meet before any further expression can be had of the public voice. The delegates to this convention have been elected by a mere fragment of the people, at a time when they were not aware of the momentous issues before them. This convention will undertake to decide the gravest question ever brought before a people, namely-the change of the whole frame-work of government; and not only this, but the equally

grave, if not graver question, whether a new nation shall take her place among the nations of the world. Upon these great questions, which of you fellow-citizens had made up your minds when you voted for delegates? Nay, how many of you voted at all? The delegates elected represent about one-fourth of the voters of our district, and many of them do not represent more than three or four hundred voters out of three thousand.

The same small minorities elected delegates in nearly every district in the State, and a convention thus created is about to seal our destiny. The present election furnishes the only probable opportunity before the meeting of this convention for the people to declare their will. It has been loudly asserted that a majority of our people are in favor of immediate secession from the Union, and both parties have turned to this election to assertain the fact. You will perceive then at once that if the advocates of secession elect the members to the Southern Congress, it will confirm this assertion and in all probability will induce them to carry out their measure as speedily as the convention can be assembled. You are, therefore, in fact now determining the question whether South Carolina shall at once secede alone from the Union.

In deciding this question it is important that all barriers should be removed, which prevent you from looking directly into its whole merits. One of the most formidable of these barriers is an impression that the State stands committed by pledges to take separate action, which as men of honor her citizens are bound to redeem. Let us, therefore, in the first place examine the facts, and see how and to what extent the State stands committed.

We will go back as far as 1848, although that date is two years ahead of the late action of Congress. At the session of the Legislature in December, 1848, the following report and resolutions contain the action to which the State was pledged:

[Extracts from the Reports and Resolutions, 1848, p. 147, Joint Committee on Federal

Relations.]

In the House of Representatives, December 12, 1848, the Joint Committee of the Senate and House of Representatives upon Federal Relations, to whom were referred so much of the Governor's message as relates to the agitation of slavery and sundry resolutions upon the same subject, beg leave to report the following resolutions as expressing the undivided opinion of this Legislature upon the Wilmot proviso, and all similar violations of the great principle of equality, which South Carolina has so long and so ardently maintained should govern the action of the States and the laws of Congress upon all matters affecting the rights and interests of any member of this Union.

Resolved, unanimously, That the time for discussion by the slaveholding States as to their exclusion from the territory recently acquired

from Mexico has passed, and that this General Assembly, representing the feelings of the State of South Carolina, is prepared to co-operate with her sister States in resisting the application of the principles of the Wilmot proviso to such territory at any and every hazard.

Resolved, unanimously, That the Governor be requested to transmit a copy of this report to the Governors of each of the States of this Union and to our Senators and Representatives in the Congress of the United States.

Mark the words: "South Carolina is prepared to co-operate with her sister States." This is the whole extent of our pledge in 1948.

In 1849 the subject was brought before the Legislature by the Governor, and each house had a report from its own committee, and it is quite remarkable that in each separate report separate State action is not once alluded to, but each recommends concert of action with the other States of the South. Read the reports for yourselves, which, for your information, I have copied verbatim from the record.

[Extracts from the Reports and Resolutions, 1819, pp. 312, 313, 314.]

In the Senate, December 13, 1849: The Committee on Federal Relations, to whom was referred so much of the message of his Excellency the Governor as relates to the recommendation of the people of the State of Mississippi for a convention of the people of the Southern States, to be held in Nashville in June next, and also so much of the message as relates to convening the Legislature of this State in the event of the passage by Congress of the Wilmot proviso, or any kindred measure, beg leave to report that they cordially concur with the views expressed by his Excellency the Governor as to the necessity on the part of the Southern people of a united action against the encroachments upon their domestic institutions and their condition of equality in this confederacy by the people of the North and by the Congress of the United States, and rejoice with him in the lofty and dignified position assumed by the people of the State of Mississippi against any such infractions of the compromises of the Constitution, and the appeal which she has made to the people of her sister States of the South to unite with her in common counsel against common aggression. The committee are of the opinion expressed by this Legislature, at its last session, that the period of decisive action has arrived, and that the authorities of South Carolina should be prepared promptly to take such steps as the other States of the South shall recommend and her own position demands. The committee, therefore, in conformity with their own opinions, and, as they believe, with the expressed and understood wishes of this Legislature and of the people of the whole State, recommend for adoption the following resolutions:

Resolved, That in the event of the passage by Congress of the Wilmot proviso, or any kindred measures, that his Excellency the Governor be