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secure to the colored man his rights through Congressional action; and declare that any colored man who will not do for another colored man what he would for a white man under similar circumstances is unworthy of respect.

A considerable part of one afternoon was given to debate upon a resolution which advised colored teachers for colored children and colored preachers for colored congregations. The resolution was supported by Messrs. Harris, Sampson, Bass, and others, and opposed by Messrs. Galloway, Rue, Randolph, Good, Sweat, and others. The argument for its passage was, that it would tend to stimulate education among the young men and women; that against it was, that it would serve to set up another wall between blacks and whites. Several delegates favored the general policy enunciated in the resolution, but opposed its passage, on the ground“ that some of the more ignorant of their people would look upon it as a recommendation not to send their children to the schools established by the Freedmen's Bureau and the Aid Societies of the North. This argument carried the day, and the resolution was tabled.

The chief thing done by the Convention, however, was to adopt an address for presentation to the State Convention which met yesterday, and to the Legislature which meets in November. How this address should be prepared was a subject of anxious consideration. There was some fear at the close of the first day's session that the Convention had fallen into control of the unwise and hot-headed faction. The excitement natural to the hour wore off, however, before the next session, and the drawing up of the address was intrusted to a committee of five elected viva voce by the delegates. Five better men could not have been selected. It was certain that their action would be wise and judicious; and the real good sense of the Convention showed itself in the hearty unanimity with which it adopted the following very noteworthy paper:

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“To the Constitutional Convention of North Carolina and the Legislature to assemble thereafter:

"Assembled as delegates from different portions of the State of North Carolina, and representing a large body of the colored population, we most respectfully and humbly beg leave to present to you, and through you to the people of the State, something of our situation and our wants as a people.

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Earnestly disclaiming all wish to forestall your action or to dictate in the solemn and important duties which have been intrusted to you at this most critical period, and confiding in your justice, wisdom, and patriotism to guard the interests of all classes, and more particularly of that class which, being more helpless, will most need your just and kind consideration, we but exercise the right guaranteed to the humblest citizen in thus petitioning.

"It is with reverent and grateful acknowledgment of the Divine power and interposition, that we accept the precious boon of freedom, resulting, as it has, from a prolonged and sanguinary struggle between two great powers; and finally decreed as it has been by the national will, we look forward with confidence to see the decree ratified by the whole people of this State.

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Though it was impossible for us to be indifferent spectators of such a struggle, you will do us the justice to admit that we have remained throughout obedient and passive, acting such part only as has been assigned us, and calmly waiting upon Providence. Our brethren have fought on the side of the Union, while we have been obliged to serve in the camp, to build fortifications, and raise subsistence for the Confederate army. Do you blame us that we have, meantime, prayed for the freedom of our race?

"Just emerging from bondage, under which our race has groaned for two hundred and fifty years, and suffering from its consequent degradation, we are fully conscious that we possess no power to control legislation in our behalf, and that we must depend wholly upon moral appeal to the hearts and consciences of the people of our State.

"Born upon the same soil, and brought up in an intimacy of relationship unknown to any other state of society, we have formed attachments for the white race which must be as enduring as life, and we can conceive of no reason that our God-bestowed

freedom should now sever the kindly ties which have so long united us.

"We are fully conscious that we cannot long expect the presence of government agents, or of the troops, to secure us against evil treatment from unreasonable prejudice and unjust men. Yet we have no desire to look abroad for protection and sympathy. We know we must find both at home and among the people of our own State, and merit them by our industry, sobriety, and respectful demeanor, or suffer long and grievous evils.

"We acknowledge with gratitude that there are those among former slave masters who have promptly conceded our freedom, and have manifested a just and humane disposition towards their former slaves. We think no such persons, or very few at least, have lost their working-hands by desertion.

"At the same time, it must be known to you that many planters have either kept the freedman in doubt, have wholly denied his freedom, or have grudgingly conceded it; and while doing so have expelled his family from the plantations which they perhaps cleared and enriched by their toil through long and weary years. Some have withheld a just compensation, or have awarded such pay as would not support the laborer and his family. Others have driven their hands away without any pay at all, or even a share of the crops they have raised. Women with families of children, whose husbands have been sold, have died, or have wrongfully deserted them, have in some cases been driven away from the homes where, under slavery, they have spent a lifetime of hard service. Is it just or Christian thus to thrust out upon the cold world helpless families to perish? These grosser forms of evil we believe will correct themselves under wise and humane legislation; but we do most respectfully urge that some suitable measures may be adopted to prevent unscrupulous and avaricious employers from the practice of these and other similar acts of injustice towards our people.

"Our first and engrossing concern in our new relation is, how we may provide shelter and an honorable subsistence for ourselves and families. You will say, work; but without your just and considerate aid, how shall we secure adequate compensation for our labor? If the friendly relations which we so much desire shall prevail, must there not be mutual co-operation? As our

longer degradation cannot add to your comfort, make us more obedient as servants, or more useful as citizens, will you not aid us by wise and just legislation to elevate ourselves?

"We desire education for our children, that they may be made useful in all the relations of life. We most earnestly desire to have the disabilities under which we formerly labored removed, and to have all the oppressive laws which make unjust discriminations on account of race or color wiped from the statutes of the State. We invoke your protection for the sanctity of our family relations. Is this asking too much? We most respectfully and earnestly pray that some provision may be made for the care of the great number of orphan children and the helpless and infirm, who, by the new order of affairs, will be thrown upon the world without protection; also that you will favor, by some timely and wise measures, the reunion of families which have long been broken up by war or by the operations of slavery.

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Though associated with many memories of suffering, as well as of enjoyment, we have always loved our homes, and dreaded, as the worst of evils, a forcible separation from them. Now that freedom and a new career are before us, we love this land and people more than ever before. Here we have toiled and suffered; our parents, wives, and children are buried here; and in this land we will remain, unless forcibly driven away.

"Finally, praying for such encouragement to our industry as the proper regulation of the hours of labor and the providing of the means of protection against rapacious and cruel employers, and for the collection of just claims, we commit our cause into your hands, invoking Heaven's choicest blessings upon your deliberations and upon the State.

“J. H. HARRIS,
JOHN R. GOOD,
GEORGE A. RUE,
ISHAM SWETT,

J. RANDOLPH, Jr.,

"Committee."

This address, in which the action of the Convention finally crystallized, I regard as one of the most remarkable documents that the time has brought forth. When I consider

the untutored condition and manifold discouragements of this people, the sudden revolution in their social and political relations, all that they have suffered, all that they have cause to fear, and all that they hope for, the wisdom and propriety of their action challenges admiration. This is their first political act; and I do not see how they could have presented their claims with more dignity, with a more just appreciation of the state of affairs, or in a manner which should appeal more forcibly either to the reason or the sentiment of those whom they address.

Scarcely a quarter of these late delegates to this, the first negro convention in a Southern State, can read and write. Some of them have hardly yet been allowed to realize that slavery has been overthrown, — were obliged to leave their homes in the night, are asking safe-conduct papers from the military authorities, and will even then quietly return home in the night. They are dressed in the very cheapest of homespun, are awed by the very atmosphere of a city, speak a language that no Northern white man can understand. To them, as to all men, by travel and association there has come enlargement of view, enlargement of desire and aspiration, a new sense of freedom, and a new purpose to labor for their rights. To them and to all others there has also come, I am convinced, a new sense of the responsibilities of manhood, and a new sense of the manner in which they must meet these responsibilities. They came up "in the spirit of our God," — they have not forgotten God in all their labors; who shall doubt that He will bless this work of theirs?

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