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NEXT to the interest which our friends felt in the beginning of this enterprise, must be their desire to have recorded, its successful establishment. The patrons of the American Review, who generously and patriotically aided its first struggles into life, may be desirous of knowing its present position and future intentions. A sad decree has forbidden the hand that should have made the record.

The experience of three years, with the counsel and advice of many able and judicious friends, had determined the Editor to begin a new Series of his Journal, upon a more liberal scale of expenditure, and with an infusion of greater vigor and attention in every department. The proper conduct of the whole was found to surpass the abilities of any one person, and a greater outlay became necessary to obtain the requisite aid. The price paid for valuable articles, though it already exceeded what the finances would bear, had to be increased, that none but good material might be used. The political department, especially, it was found, must be improved in quantity, and the standard of the best


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Were it possible to explain the difficulties, delays, and losses, which attend the collection of the dues of such a journal, reducing the average value of its subscriptions by more than a third, the friends of the Review would find less difficulty in understanding why all the necessary improvements were not sooner made. They have been kept constantly in view, but are the work of much time, and of the joint labor and enthusiasm of many persons.

In the midst of these plans, and in the bloom and vigor of his youth, the generous spirit who strove to execute them, and thereby to deserve well of his country, was cut off by a severe and lingering illness; but as he was a man free in his confidences, and loving to make common cause with many, he left those behind him who had taken an equal interest in the work, and had advised and strenuously labored with him for its accomplishment: it was their part, therefore, to make this statement, both for the regard they bear his memory, and for the duty they owe to the friends and supporters of the enterprise.

It has always been borne in mind that a truly national journal must represent the spirit and principles of the Nation, in its best moods, and as they appear in the

wisdom of its earlier lawgivers. In every free nation, two great parties have arisen, tending towards opposite extreines Differing in this particular from all ancient, and even from modern European nations, that we are not composed of an inferior, politically mingled, and sharing power with a superior race-a commonalty with an aristocracy-both parties, with us, profess to sustain liberty, and the common right. In the spirit and heart of the nation there can be no division. The nation, as a body, extends freedom-political, social, and religious to all men equally; and out of this spring all our national and political peculiarities.

Yet it will happen, for the most part, that even in pursuit of a good, men are easily misled and deceived into radical extremes.

The friends and conductors of this journal incline not, therefore, hastily to despise and subvert the institutions of our fathers. They mean to abide by the Constitution. They believe that reforms should in all cases grow from, and be limited by, necessity; and that the State, like any natural organization, should gradually shape itself, by a healthy and spontaneous growth.

They believe that the designers and supporters of schemes of conquest, to be carried on by this government, are engaged in treason to our Constitution and Declaration of Rights, giving "aid and comfort" to the enemies of republicanism, in that they are advocating and preaching the doctrine of "the right of conquest." These traitors to all humanity, and to God, must be met and vanquished, or the principle which sustains us, as a nation, will be sub


In meeting and discussing new phases of opinion, they will favor with their whole heart and mind, all plans for the amelioration of society, and all such new ideas of social and physical science, as seem to have their foundation in nature and experience. Yet they can never forget that truth is old, and the principles of human nature, like the moral law, by no means a discovery of yesterday.

In questions of political economy, they

will not suffer themselves to be led by the example of any other nation, into advocating measures suitable, perhaps, to that nation, but unsuitable and injurious to our own; believing that a judicious regard to the circumstances of a people, should govern its legislation.

In a choice of rulers and legislators, they mean to sustain such men as seem fitted to represent, not the will only, but the virtue and common sense of their constituents.

That the power of the Executive be restricted within its just limits, they will strenuously urge.

That the rights and power of the States be preserved inviolate, as the sole defence of the individual against Executive usurpation, they will also advocate; but no less, that individual States be not suffered to impair the high privileges of the citizen, in his relation to the nation as a whole.

That every means be employed to prevent the converting of offices into political agencies, for corrupting and subverting the popular will.

In brief, the conductors of this journal are Whigs, in principle and practice, and mean to use it, as far as in them lies, for the promotion of that cause.

As a vehicle of opinion to reach all classes of intelligent persons, it has been found necessary to regard the interests of general literature in the REVIEW, equally with those of politics-the two being necessary to each other.

In regard to sectional questions, a journal professing to be purely national must either avoid them, or discuss them in the light of general policy and morality: indifference to the decision of such questions would betray either an immoral, or an imbecile spirit.

Enough, perhaps, has been said on former occasions, of the importance of a truly national organ of opinion, whose purpose should be to promote union and singleness of principle in the Whig party. The sole desire of the conductors of this journal is, that it may in some measure satisfy the want that is felt for such an organ,


As often as the President comes before the nation with a new manifesto in regard to the unhappy war, in which, by his own deliberate, unauthorized and criminal act, he has involved the country, no choice is left us, as the faithful conductors of a journal of American politics, but to follow him to this well-trodden field-to set up there, again and again, in the face of the American people and of the world, the lofty standard of historic truth, of international law, of real justice and honor, and of true national renown and glory, against the wretched perversions, the false glosses and miserable plausibilities in which this high functionary of the government habitually indulges, whenever he comes before the country to justify himself for the great Measure of Blood and Conquest by which he has undertaken to signalize his administration. If truth, as affecting the highest question of national concern, have not lost all value, it must be defended even against the mistakes or perversions of a President of the United States. Nay, this duty becomes doubly important and imperative in such a case, on account of the authority which attaches to his lofty position. And he must not be allowed to use his eminent station to indoctrinate the people of this country in any false principles, whether of the law of nations or the law of national justice and honor. He must not be allowed to seduce the American people from the allegiance which they owe to a higher law than any which the kings or rulers of this earth can impose or teach the law of right and of duty-the law which has its sanction in the co sciences of men, and its seat in the bosom of God.

Of course, we are not weak enough to expect anything less than that the President should continue, at every opportunity, to put forth all his own energies, and all the energies he can buy or borrow for the purpose, in defence of his original crime in plunging this country into an unnecessary

war. It is his fate also, in order to render his attempts at justification any way plausible, that he must take care to make all his subsequent conduct and acts as consistent as possible, in error and criminality, with his original offences. Beginning wrong, which he is resolved never to acknowledge, he must continue to go wrong, sinking deeper and deeper at every step, until he becomes involved in difficulties from which he is obliged to confess he sees no certain way of escape. Precisely as, on the one hand, the path of the just shines brighter and brighter to the perfect day, so, on the other, does that path in which the President has chosen to walk, darken, at every remove, into thicker and more palpable gloom. On this point, his recent Annual Message to Congress, when rightly understood, exhibits the most melancholy proof. Of course, it is passably ingenious, adroit and plausible. But it is not difficult to unravel and expose its plausibilities. And it is a bold document, because no other tone would suit, at all, the condition of desperate hazard to which he has been brought in the legitimate progress of the game he undertook to play. The most timid are known to become brave, when all retreat from danger is found to be cut off. In this instance, however, the bold tone of the Message is not sufficient to hide altogether that terrible conflict of secret emotions which, we doubt not, has been going on all the while in the heart and conscience of its author. The President undertook to make a little

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