to Spain by the Regent's government, was the honesty of its political and financial measures. There was no court nor court treasurer to absorb one-third or one-half of every loan and every anticipation, nor could the leasers or farmers of the public revenue obtain easy bargains by means of a bribe. Such things were disposed of by public competition; and Calatrava in this respect left behind him an example, which will render a recurrence to the old habit of proceeding too scandalous and intolerable. So, morality and simplicity of life, though a cause of dislike with courtiers, with place and money-hunters, was, on the contrary, a rare and highly-appreciated merit in the eyes of the citizens. No one cause occasioned more disgusts and revolts in Madrid than the scandals of the court of Madrid. Its removal was a great bond of peace, whatever people may say of the salutary influence of royalty!

to be too minute in personal anecdote, too severe or too laudatory in judging him. Our materials too are but meager; though the 'Galerie des Cotemporains' which heads our article is a popular and meritorious little work. Our present task is, however, sufficiently discharged. Sen or Flores promises at Madrid a life of Espartero in three volumes; and the Duke of Victory and Spain are subjects that we shall have ample occasion and necessity to recur to.

From the Literary Gazette.

In new Spain, as is well known, the spirit of gaming is widely spread; and all ranks indulge in that excitement to a perilous degree. The Spanish officers partook of the common passion. On one occasion, Espartero was so much the favorite of fortune, that after a long sederunt, he rose the winner of 30,000 dollars from the General Canterac mentioned above. On retiring from the gaming-table, the latter, feeling the heavy extent of his imprudence, said in a depressed manner, to his companion, "Espartero, I owe you 30,000 dollars!" "No," replied the other, laying his hand on his arm, "in that room which we have left, you owed me 30,000 dollars, but here, now, you owe me nothing!!" The generosity evinced by this anecdote, needs no comment.

The party attached to the regency of the Duke of Victory as the best symbol and guard of the constitution, lay chiefly in the well informed and industrious class of citizens, such as exist in great majority in Madrid, Saragossa, Cadiz. In Catalonia the manufacturers and their workmen were against him, from a belief that he wished to admit English cotton. Seville is an old archiepiscopal seat, where the clergy have great influence; and the clergy there, as When, by the votes of the Cortes, Esparwell as rivalry of Cadiz, occasioned its re- tero became Regent, multitudes flocked sistance. There is, one may say, no rus- towards him for places, crosses, pensions, tic population in the south. All the poor provisions, and distinctions.. Among congregate in towns, or belong to them, others, a very near relative came from and form a mass of ignorant, excitable, the country, of whom, after receiving a changeable opinion, that is not to be de- few visits from him, he inquired what had pended upon for twenty-four hours. There brought him to Madrid. With some hesiis throughout a strong vein of republican- tation, he stated that he had come to look ism, and a contempt for all things and per- for a maintenance for himself and his famisons north of the Sierra Morena: so that ly, now that things had changed so favornothing is more easy than to get up an al- ably for their prospects." "How much borato against the government of the time will do for that purpose ?" asked the Rebeing. The north of Spain, on the contra- gent. So much, he replied, fancying the ry, depends upon its rural population; and office already conferred; but judge his suris slower to move, but much more formid-prise, when his (we were going to say) able and steady when once made to em- brother addressed him, "Return to your brace or declare an opinion. Throughout home, and whilst I live I will allow you the north, neither citizens nor servants de- that sum; but if you suppose that I, who clared against the regent. It was merely have elevated myself so high, from so low the garrisons and troops of the line. Such a station, by warring against corruption, being the force and support of the different am going to saddle you on the country, parties, one is surprised to find that Espar- you never in your life committed so gross tero so easily succumbed, and we cannot a mistake. The only way for you to rebut expect that his recall, either as regent ceive this allowance from my private purse, or general, is sooner or later inevitable. is by quitting Madrid within twenty-four hours."

The career of the Duke of Victory being thus far from closed, it would be premature to carve out his full-length statue:

Espartero's proceedings, after his march to Albacete, have never been accounted for

A TOMB IN POMPEII.

or explained. We are informed, that when he reached that place, he found that all the officers of the army had been bought over by a rich allotment of the million and a half of money which had been sent into Spain to purchase his downfall. The army, but too ill paid, was easily seduced by gold and intrigue; and the ill-fed troops, like a hungry horse, took their food wherever it was offered to them, without troubling to ask the question whether their officers were traitors or not.

Accused by his enemies, and some of them most ungrateful ones, of avarice or sordidness, it may be stated that the quarter part of Espartero's allowance as Regent has not been paid to him. His resources are the fortune brought him by his loved and affectionate lady. Why he did not throw himself on Madrid, and the fervent attachment to him and his cause of its 12,000 national guards, and other respectable citizens, we have no ground to know; but we think that what we have told, sufficiently accounts for his wavering at Albacete, where his whole plans were deranged by unexpected treachery, and he was taught to feel that his dependence on imagined friends and supporters, was most insecure and dangerous. The Spanish people, we believe, have been quite passive during the late revolution; and it is most probable that a re-action, founded on a just appreciation of his sound constitutional and commercial policy, will lead to his being invited to return to Spain. Whether, more happy in a private station, he would accept the call or not, is a question we cannot solve: our opinion is, that nothing short of a national demonstration would tempt his patriotism to sacrifice his domestic repose and felicity.

THE KOWDY GUM.-Whenthe soil is washed up in the Bay of Islands, New Zealand, large quantities of gum are discovered in the soil, when and how deposited are unknown. It seems to be pure and resinous, as if the remains of primeval and extinct pine-forests, whose consistency precluded decay, while the wood itself perished. What may be its commercial value has not yet been fully ascertained. Experiments will be tried on the samples brought home in the Erebus and Terror.-Literary

Gazette.

[DEC.

lievo on one of the slabs, emblematic of death; it represents a
ship furling her sails on coming into port.
CITY! upon whose dream the fire-flood swept,
In all the giddy madness of thy pride;
While the red theatre with joy upleapt,
And pleasure floated down her golden tide.
Oft thundering now upon the calm of night,
The wakeful scholar hears thy wild dismay;
Crowding in black confusion on the sight,
The flaming tempest lights its dreadful way.
The living and the dead in thee we trace,

There is at Pompeii a square monument with a beautiful re

Since Time roll'd back the darkness of his wave,
And Learning's torch, from thine unshrouded face,
Has swept the lingering shadows of the grave.

Rich gifts are thine :-on many a pictured wall
And still through fiery Sallust's costly hall,
Still Genius breathes the summer hues of bloom,
The garden seems to waft its soft perfume.*
Here, wandering thoughtful down thy streets of wo,
Was he a lord of quiver and of bow?
The pilgrim lingers by a nameless grave:

Roam'd he a stormy chieftain of the wave?

Unknown that ancient sleeper's power and race,
Or his young sister smiled into his face,
Whether to listening hearts his step was dear,

If

Or his gray father wept upon his bier!

bathed in all the sparkling dews of youth, While Joy from her green paradise of truth, Warm from his mother's arms he danced along,

Enwreathed his forehead with the flowers of

song:

The voice of history tells not; dark and cold,
Whether he drank from fancy's fount of gold,
His slumbering ashes give no sad reply;
Or, sage-like, watched life's torrents rushing by.
Oh, it is soothing, in the crimson time

Of autumn eves, through village tombs to roam,
Where many a holy text and rugged rhyme
Welcome the weary traveller to his home:

So in the wondrous city of the dead

This pictured text our fainting heart sustains,
While all the heavenly landscape, wide outspread,
Blooms o'er the wat'ry desert of life's pains!

No longer driven by tempestuous blast,
Its white sails furl'd upon the unshaken mast,
That ship along the tranquil water glides;
Its own clear shadows moving by its sides.
Sweet emblem of the Christian "bound for home,"
Safe from the angry surge of sin and strife;
While Peace, uprising from Grief's bright'ning
foam,
Paints with its smile the melting cloud of life!

A.

"On our return through the streets, among the objects of rich, and his house is uncommonly handsome. Here is his chaminterest was the house of Sallust, the historian. Sallust was ber, his inner court, his kitchen, his garden, his dining-room, his guest-chamber, all perfectly distinguishable by the symbolical struction, and opposite, in the rear, was a flower-garden, confrescos on the walls. In the court was a fountain of pretty containing arrangements for dining in open air in summer."-Willis.

FRANCE AND GREECE.

From the Examiner.

517

far from liberal. Even the Legitimists were much embarrassed by the offer of the said brigade; for the Duke of Bordeaux has solemnly promised rather to remain an exile than obtain his restoration by foreign troops or foreign aid. The days of Swiss guards and Irish brigades are

enced by resentment, not craft. He has consequently fallen considerably in the estimation of the Parisians, who hoped to see in him a King of Ireland. But instead of effecting any thing WEAK and ailing persons are said to live long, kingly, Mr. O'Connell declares himself a Loyalbeing able to get through or avoid those violent ist and a Legitimist, and a High Churchman, and feverish maladies which prove fatal to the and would not only restore Henry the Fifth, but strong. So seems it the case with M. Guizot would also place the French system of Public and his Cabinet. Though born scarcely life- Instruction under ecclesiastical guidance, and worthy, it has lived on, in despite of the prog- thus re-Catholicize France by the power of cennostications of state-physicians, and has at last tralization. To do this, or help to do this, by reached a kind of chronic health, which sets pre-means of an Irish brigade, would, however, be sumptive heirs in despair. Opposition, which with us lives through the year, in France has died outright during the recess; and even the press, though striking hard with flint and steel, can scarcely extricate a spark. M. Thiers has turned his back upon politics altogether, most fortunately, for this will procure the world an able, if not an impartial history, of the Consu late and Empire. M. Barrot is overcome with domestic affliction, occasioned by the loss of an only child. M. Manguin has gone to Spain, to study the meaning of the word pronunciamiento. M. Ledru Rollin has not gone to Ireland, and has ceased to make a noise at home. M. Lamartine alone makes his voice heard, like that of a pelican in the wilderness, exclaiming of the wants of the people to be represented, and against the sycophancy of those who salute and flatter princes.

You may imagine, in the dearth of political topics or excitement, to what straits the Parisian press has been put. For want of better, it has started the question of the fortifications of Paris, and denounced them once more as dangerous to the public liberties, and the security of the capital. The Legitimists support this view, looking, as they do, towards the overthrow of the present dynasty by a Parisian emeute, which the fortifications do, indeed, render impossible. The journals of the war party, however, still support the necessity of the fortifications, as the only means of national protection, should the attempt to extend the French empire to the Rhine fail, or produce a reaction and an invasion. Moreover, they object to joining in any outcry which the Legitimists were foremost to set up. Hereupon the Legitimists waxed angry, and declared that they were as liberal, as democratic, and as warlike as the Republicans.--that they came in in 1814 by the bayonets of foreigners, but that they would have much preferred doing without them, and that to prove this they are now ready to join the men of the revolution in an outbreak upon Europe.

over.

The Duke of Bordeaux is at Potsdam at present, where he was received at the Court of Chamberd. It is known that, a year or two back, the Emperor of Russia was willing to give his daughter in marriage to the Duke, but, from the impertinent pretensions of the old courtiers about him, the marriage failed, and the Emperor of Russia was highly offended. Since that time the Duc de Bordeaux has completely flung off the influence of the old courtiers of his uncle and aunt. He was desirous of a reconciliation with the Czar, and hoped to meet him at Berlin, but Nicholas went off to Warsaw and his grand reviews, in order to avoid the French pretender.

The Court of Berlin is full of courtesy for that in the Tuileries; and Russia, though affecting to be on distant terms with France, and to quarrel on points of diplomatic etiquette, still does not let pass any opportunity of endeavoring to estrange the French Court and Cabinets from England. The events in Greece have rendered M. Kisselef, the Russian Envoy in Paris, extremely active. The Russians represent the late insurrection at Athens as the work of Sir Edmund Lyons. Diplomatists will never admit an insurrection to be the natural result of popular discontent. The Russians say that Sir E. Lyons was jealous of Coletti's return, anxious to prevent it, and that he spared no pains to effect his purpose. The French are but too prone to listen to these calumnies; but M. Guizot, although personally interested in the success of M. Piscatory and the Ministry of Coletti, is still not the man to allow himself to be duped into even a coolness with England for supremacy on Greece. He has obtained the upper hand of England in Spain for a short time, and at no small cost, but he must be fully convinced that the triumphs, diplomatic or otherwise, of England over France, or of France over England, must, in the present state of the world, be nothing but an equal loss to both countries.

Such was the state of the controversy, when Mr. O'Connell's speech at the Repeal Association de rebus Gallicis, fell last Monday like a petard amongst the Parisians. Mr. O'Connell has been, till very lately, the pet of all parties in France. The ultra-Catholics upheld him as a restorer of religion, the ultra-Liberals as a successful agitator, the juste milieu, as one who kept his resistance and agitation within legal ELECTRO-MAGNET.-A letter from Frankfort bounds. His answer to M. Ledru Rollin was states that M. Wagner, who for many months past considered as full of tact, and as a gentle mysti-has been making experiments in electro-magnetism, fication of the French Republicans. But Mr. has succeeded in moving with this agent the extraO'Connell's speech on the 28th proves him to ordinary weight of 70 quintals, (about three-quarbe the creature of impulse, not policy; influ-ters of a ton.)-Court Journal.

THE HISTORY OF EGYPT UNDER THE RO-
MANS.

From the Examiner.

The History of Egypt under the Romans, by

Samuel Sharpe. Moxon.

THE battle of Actium dates some twentynine years before the birth of Christ, and it was in the six hundred and fortieth year of the Christian era that haughty Amrou son of Asi, wrote word to his Caliph Omar that he had taken a city which passed all description, in which he found four thousand palaces, four thousand baths, forty thousand Jews paying tribute, four hundred theatres, and twelve thousand sellers of herbs. He meant Alexandria.

The period of Mr. Sharpe's history, then, includes six hundred and seventy years: memorable years, for account of which before we received his excellent volume, Gibbon, Lardner, and Mosheim, were our only accessible authorities. The book is a great advance on Mr. Sharpe's former researches in connexion with his favorite study, learned as these were. For not the learning only have we here; but the feeling and life of the subject. Within the province of history is rightly brought whatsoever can vivify its scenes, reanimate its actors. The style is not ambitious, but has a certain measured dignity which we find appropriate-a happy mean to have kept, within sound of the sonorous march of Gibbon. And having undergone the labor of original research, with materials in reach for a book of any conceivable size, Mr. Sharpe has been wise enough to write a small book, of little more than two hundred and fifty pages.

last gathered into one fold the greater proportion of the before scattered tribes and nations; from the Euphrates to the Atlantic, from the shores of Britain and the borders of the German forests to the sands of the

African deserts, the bonds of a common and apparently well settled system now held together the inhabitants of the world; nay more, between these widely separated regions a free and common intercourse had been recently established by public pathways opened for the conquering legions;* when suddenly appeared the first RELIGION that had ever aimed at a conquest as great and universal, which did not proclaim itself the religion of a nation or a tribe, but invited all who lived to come within its ample shelter, as the universal family and brotherhood of MAN. The Poor had the tidings first, but in good time they reached the Philosopher: and then, upon Christianity, rose the Church.

No one in the least acquainted with this great subject fails to perceive the effect, to this day, of the Alexandrian Schools of New Platonism on the character of our religious establishment. They date at the commencement of the second century, but through all the prior struggles of the faith, Alexandrians had played an important part. Mr. Sharpe rightly thinks they have hardly had justice done them by the moderns, either in regard to the improvement they wrought in Paganism, or to the share they have had in forming the present opinions of the world. He refers to what their copiers and libraries did for us in preservation of the great Greek writers, and of our earliest manuscripts of the Bible-"while," he adds, "whatever help we have received from grammarians and critics, whatever in history we have gained from chronology, in poetry from prosody, in geography from mathematics, and in medicine from anatomy, was first taught by the Alexandrians."

The glib remark, so often repeated since its incautious use by a great writer, which would associate the rise of the Christian belief with the decline of all literature, is

Of the influence of the scenes it records, on habits, feelings, and opinions, which have been the main-spring of modern civilization, this is hardly the place to speak. Soon it fixes the thoughtful reader's attention. The opening picture has in itself the germ of much. Octavian-we beg his pardon-AUGUSTUS enters the conquered Alexandria on foot, leaning on the arm of the philosopher Arius, and, with the sounding * Two centuries later the poet Claudian alluded to these facilities of intercourse, then settled on a pretence of a lover of learning as well as mercy, gives out to the motley crowd as-refers to the passage in his excellent Treatise on firmer basis by the prevalence of peace. Mr. Lewis sembled small swarthy dark Egyptians, Dependencies. By the grace of modern science, it lively volatile Greeks, depressed Hebrews, is no longer a flight of poetry. and sour, discontented Romans-that he had spared the place to the prayers of his philosophic friend. To that picture, with Conquest and Philosophy in the front-the field won and the cultivator ready, a background silently rises. ROME had here at

Hujus pacificis debemus moribus omnes
Quod veluti patriis regionibus utitur hospes ;
Quod sedem mutare licet; quod cernere Thulen
Lusus, et horrendos quondam penetrare recessus;
Quod bibimus passim Rhodanum, potamus Oron-
Quod gens una sumus.

tem;

pied a hill near the shores of the lake Maria, and who seem to have left us one of the earliest known examples of a monastic system. Mr. Sharpe here uses almost the exact words of the historian Philo, to whom we owe this beautiful picture of the contemplative life.

certainly, independent of these special considerations offered by Mr. Sharpe, not founded in the fact. Christianity was as yet without influence when the old classic literature, sinking continuously through the interval between Augustus and the Antonnines, dropped at last into irretrievable decay. Not the new Faith, but the civil "They had left, says the historian Philo, their distractions of the Empire, the increased worldly wealth to their families or friends; they license of the soldiery, the frequent inroads had forsaken wives, children, brethren, parents, of the barbarians, and above all, the pro-and the society of men, to bury themselves in gress of internal despotism, had given solitude, and pass their lives in the contemplaSeized by this heacheck to lofty aspirations of genius as well tion of the divine essence. venly love, they were eager to enter upon the as the quiet pursuits of learning. It was next world as though they were already dead an age of iron that preceded what was to this. Each man or woman lived alone in his called the golden age of Trajan and the cell or monastery, caring neither for food nor Antonnines. The nervous hand of Gibbon for raiment, but having his thoughts wholly has marked with eternal reprobation the turned to the Law and the Prophets, or to savices of the successors of Augustus-the cred hymns of their own composing. They had dark unrelenting Tiberius, the furious Ca- God always in their thoughts, and even the ligula, the feeble Claudius, the profligate dreams were treasures of religious wisdom.broken sentences which they uttered in their and cruel Nero, the beastly Vitellius, and They prayed each morning at sunrise, and then the timid, inhuman Domitian. That we spent the day in turning over the sacred volshould make farther inquiry as to the degra-umes, and the commentaries which explained dation of a people whom such men ruled, is the allegories or pointed out a secondary meannot incumbent upon us! In the midst of ing as hidden beneath the surface of even the the degradation, Trajan and the Anton-historical books of the Old Testament. At sunnines were an accident: permanently affect and only meal. set they again prayed, and then tasted their first Self-denial indeed was the ing nothing. And so-uninfluenced alike foundation of all their virtues. Some made only in its decline before the last-named Em-three meals in the week, that their meditations perors, or in its rapid and most precipi- might be more free; while others even attempttate fall between Marcus and Diocletian-ed to prolong their fast to the sixth day. During the old Literature went, to the last not ill-six days of the week they saw nobody, not even attended, to her tomb. For out of even in synagogue. Here they sat, each according one another. On the seventh they met together the vices of these later Emperors had sprung to his age; the women separated from the men. the splendid genius of JUVENAL; the pro- Each wore a plain modest robe, which covered gress of science and the increased know the arms and hands, and they sat in silence ledge of man, which we cannot deny to while one of the elders preached. As they Rome's latter years, had asserted them- studied the mystic powers of numbers, they selves in the composition of the immortal thought the number seven was a holy number, and that seven times seven made a great week, history of TACITUS; the statesmanlike and hence they kept the fiftieth day as a solemn muse of LUCAN, the wise wit of LUCIAN, festival. On that day they dined together, the had sung requiem to a declining his- men lying on one side and the women on the tory and a disappearing faith; the re- other. The rushy papyrus formed the couches; ceding forms of Greek and Roman civi-bread was their only meat, water their drink, lization had been struck into eternal salt the seasoning, and cresses the only delicacy. life by the hand of PLUTARCH; while EPIC-They had no slaves, since all men were born TETUS, SENECA, and the two PLINYS, had honorably associated the last efforts of their art, with science, philosophy, and virtue. That famous Literature could not have been better waited on to her grave than by such writers as these, her honored children. It was not within the power of Christianity to have hastened or retarded the end. The Christians were as yet composed of the middle and lower classes only. Prominent among the Greek Jews of "With their wealth, they had all those vices Alexandria, to whom Mr. Sharpe supposes which usually follow or cause the loss of nationwe are indebted for preservation of the Oldal independence. They seemed eager after noTestament, were a little colony who occu-thing but food and horse-races, those never-fail

equal. Nobody spoke unless it were to propose a question out of the Old Testament, or to answer the question of another. The feast ended with a hymn to the praise of God, which they sang, sometimes in full chorus, and sometimes in alternate verses."

In good lively contrast to which, Dion Chrysostom supplies the historian with this not very favorable but very graphic portrait of the popular characteristics of his Alexandrian countrymen :