網頁圖片
PDF
ePub 版

DECREE.

"The Council of State, having held an extraordinary meeting in the hall of their sittings, on the 3rd (15th) of September, at four o'clock A. M., unanimously deemed it expedient, under existing circumstances, before it should attend to other business, to address-first, in the name of the country, warm thanks to the people, the garrison, and other corps of the army, for the admirable conduct which they exhibited on this occasion, by acting on the one part with patriotism, agreeably to the interest of the country, and on the other, by preserving the perfect order which the country now enjoys.

"The Council of State declares, in a special manner for the army, that the part which it has

taken in that national movement was dictated

by a sense of necessity and of the interests of the nation-a sentiment entirely conformable to the honor, duty, and prescriptions of national assemblies; the army recollected that the soldier of a free nation is a citizen before being a soldier. The Council of State expects that it will behave similarly and with the same spirit of order in future, until the fate of the country be guaranteed, as respects the institution of its laws. To that end the Council ordains that the entire army shall take the following oath ::

"I take the oath of fidelity to the country and to the constitutional throne. I swear that I will remain invariably attached to the constitutional institutions framed by the National Assembly, convoked in consequence of the measures adopted this day.'

"The Council of State, moreover, declares that the 3rd of September promising a glorious prospect to Greece, it has thought proper to class it among the national festivities.

"Athens, 3rd (15th) September, 1843.'

ADDRESS OF THE COUNCIL OF STATE TO THE
KING.

"SIRE,-The Council of State, concurring completely in the wishes of the Greek people, and accepting the extraordinary power which the irresistible force of things compels it to assume for the consolidation of the throne and for the salvation of the country, hastens respectfully to submit to your Majesty the following measures, which it trusts will be immediately and fully approved :—

nitive constitution that is to be established in conwhich the throne and the nation shall hereafter cert with the royal authority, as the ægis under be placed. The extraordinary circumstances of the country rendering the convocation of the National Assembly an urgent necessity, and not admitting of a new law of election being previously framed, your Majesty will permit your ministry to convoke that assembly agreeably to the spirit and provisions of the last law of electhat the electoral colleges shall elect their presition in vigor before 1833, with the sole difference dents by a majority of votes.

"The new ministry, invested with the full accord with the gravity of the circumstances powers necessary to conduct the government in which led to its formation, shall render an account of its acts to the National Assembly. evident manner from the wishes and wants so "Sire, those measures emanate in the most which the Council is at this moment the faithful lively expressed by the Greek nation, and of interpreter. They are an inevitable consequence of the legitimate exigencies, demanding the immediate realization of all the guarantees stipulated by preceding national assemblies, by the acts of the triple alliance, and by the Prince himself who accepted the throne of Greece.

Council of State, in accord with the nation, con"These are, in fine, the measures which the siders in its conscience not only as urgent, but likewise as the only means of salvation under the present circumstances. May Heaven grant that your Majesty, becoming conscious of the necessity of what we have just exposed, may diate execution, for the satisfaction of all, and approve these measures, and direct their immefor the maintenance of public order and tranquillity.

"The Council of State respectfully entreats your Majesty to accede to the wishes it has expressed, and subscribes itself, &c. 666 'Conduriotis, President. "Mavromichali, Vice-President "Panutzos Notoras. N. G. Theocharis. R. Church. C. C. G. Praides. A. Metaxa. Rhigi Palamidis. A. Monarchidis. Drozzo Mansola. B. N. Boudouris. Silivergos. A. Lidorikis. T. Manghine. G. Eynian.

N. Zacharitza.
N. Rhynieri.
C. Caradja.

A. P. Mavromichali.
P. Soutzo.
Paicos.

A. Polyzoides.
Anastasius Londos.
S. Theocharopoulos.
G. Psyles.

G. Spaniolakis.
C. Zographos.
André Londos.

C. D. Schinas.'

"Your Majesty will consider it expedient to appoint a new ministry without delay. The Council of State recommend to the approbation of your Majesty, as persons competent to form it, because of their enjoying public esteem and confidence, Messrs. André Metaxa for the presidency of the council of ministers, with the department of foreign affairs; André Londos, for the ministry of war; Canaris, for the navy de-jesty by a commission composed of Messrs. Conpartment; Rhigas Palamidis, for the interior; Mansolas for the finance; Leon Melas, for justice; and Michael Schinas, for public instruction

and ecclesiastical affairs.

"Your Majesty will be pleased, at the same time, to sign an ordinance, which will impose on the new ministry, as its first duty, the convocation, within the delay of a month, of the National Assembly, which will deliberate upon the defi

"The above address was carried to his Ma

duriotis, President; G. Eynian, A. P. Mavromichali, jun.; G. Psyles, and Anastasius Londos.

"An hour afterwards the commission return

ed with the following reply, signed by the King: "Otho, by the Grace of God King of Greece. "On the proposition of the Council of State, we have decreed as follows:

"A National Assembly shall be convoked within the space of thirty days, to the effect of

drawing up, in conjunction with us, the consti- he, however, remained a prisoner only a few tution of the state. The electoral assemblies hours.

shall take place agreeably to the provisions of "It appears that the King yielded with bad the last law of election promulgated previous to grace, when he found that all resistance on his 1833, with this sole difference, that those electo-part would be unavailing. It was 11 o'clock a. ral assemblies shall name their presidents by a majority of votes.

666

Our Council of Ministers shall be convoked to countersign this order and carry it into execution.

“، Отно.

"Athens, September 3, (15,) 1843.'"

The Greek Observer adds: "The members of the corps diplomatique having been informed of the revolutionary movement which had just occurred, proceeded this morning, at break of day, to the palace, when, having applied to the com. mander of the military forces, they declared to him that the King's person and the inviolability of the palace rested on his own personal responsibility.

"This recommendation, which the representatives of the foreign powers may have considered to be a duty imposed upon them, was completely useless, both on account of the admirable spirit which constantly animated the population during the day, as well as the guarantees offered by the honorable character of the chiefs of the revolution. The whole of what passed in the course of the day sufficiently proved it.

"Shortly afterwards the corps diplomatique, attired in their official costumes, returned to the palace, and asked to be presented to the King. The same commander of the armed force replied to them that the King was then engaged in a conference with the Council of State, and that the palace would not be accessible to the foreign representatives while those conferences lasted. The members of the corps diplomatique then retired; but having learned shortly afterwards that admittance into the palace would no longer be denied to them, they hastened to wait on the King and his family, and they accompanied the Monarch, when his Majesty showed himself with his new ministers at the balcony of the palace. This evening, at six o'clock, the corps diplomatique again repaired to the palace, where it remained upwards of an hour.

"The students of the University joined in the movement, and were remarkable for their patri

otism and moderation.

"Similar movements occurred at Chalcis and Nauplia.

M. when his obstinacy was subdued. The military bands were then playing the 'Marseillaise' and the 'Parisienne,' which gave his Majesty cause to suppose that affairs might proceed to unpleasant extremities. On the 16th King Otho took his customary airing, and was saluted as he passed along the streets, with cries from the people and soldiers of 'Long live the constitutional King! An exception had been made in the decree of exclusion against foreigners, in favor of the old Philhellenes, who held office under the Government."

[ocr errors]

PHOTOGRAPHY - MM. Belfield and Foucault's experiments in photography tend to show that the film of organic matter which constantly forms on the prepared surface of the plate, and which M. Daguerre considered a hindrance to the formation of the image, is almost essential to its production. They think that a perfect daguerréotype could not be obtained on a metallic surface chemically pure; and that the usual preparation of silver extends over its surface uniformly an infinitely thin varnish. Instead of the clearing and polishing a plate with nitric acid, they used a powder of dry lead and fied. The evaporation of the volatile portion of some drops of the essence of terebinthine unrectithe essence left a resinous pellicle, which was attenuated either with alcohol or mechanically with dry powders. Treated then with iodine in the usual way, the images were produced in the same manner, and in the same time-Lit. Gaz.

CONSTANTINOPLE, AUG. 29.- (From a private Correspondent).-The English Ambassador is exceedingly indignant at a horrid affair which took place in this great city last week. A young Armenian had given some offence to the Turks; forgiveness was promised if he would become a Mussulman. He could not be persuaded to do so, was death, by his head being cut off. His head and sent to prison, cruelly punished, and at last put to body were exposed three days in the fish-market of Constantinople, and then, according to the usual custom, thrown into the Bosphorus. Certainly the Christian powers ought to remonstrate with the "Letters from Athens, of the 17th, state, that Turkish Government on such barbarous proceedall foreigners holding offices under Government ings. Sir Bruce Chichester and family are resident were to be dismissed, including even M. Lemai- at Therapia, as is also the family of Admiral Walktre and other Frenchmen employed in the ad-er. The admiral himself is at sea with the Turkish ministration of the national bank. The chiefs of fleet. At one of the hotels in this village, Lady the movement had adopted every precaution for Ellenborough has taken up her abode for some the safety of that establishment; the directors days. Mr. Smith, the architect, has arrived, and is were beforehand informed of the hour at which about to commence his operations for the erection of a new palace for the ambassador; and I believe the movement was to take place, and 12 trusty soldiers were sent thither during the night for English Embassy. We have had a sad set of thieves some alterations will be made in the chapel of the its protection, by M. Calergy. The revolution about Pera lately; they forced the chapel door, and was effected without any violence. The minis- stripped the desk, pulpit, and communion-table, ters were arrested in their houses, but liberated &e, of their ornaments; fortunately, the valuable on the next morning. An aide-de-camp of the communion plate was not in the chapel. The King, M. Gardekeckte, a Bavarian, was also ap- summer has been delightful, and the vineyards beprehended, and confined in the barracks, where gin to look very fine.-Court Journal.

ESPARTERO.

From the Foreign Quarterly Review.

Galerie des Contemporains: ESPARTERO. Paris. 1843.

THE military and political events which terminated in the independence of the United States, may be criticised as dilatory, as fortuitous, and as not marked by the stamp of human genius. That revolution produced more good than great men. If the same may be said of the civil wars of Spain, and its parliamentary struggles after freedom, it should be more a subject of congratulation than of reproach. The greatness of revolutionary heroes may imply the smallness of the many; and, all things duly weighed, the supremacy of a Cromwell or a Napoleon is more a slur upon national capabilities than an honor to them. Let us then begin by setting aside the principal accusation of his French foes against General Espartero, that he is of mediocre talent and eminence. The same might have been alleged against Washington.

Moreover, there is no people so little inclined to allow, to form, or to idolize superiority, as the Spaniards. They have the jealous sentiment of universal equality, implanted into them as deeply as it is into the French. But to counteract it, the French have a national vanity, which is for ever comparing their own country with others. And hence every character of eminence is dear to them; for though an infringement on individual equality, it exalts them above other nations. The Spaniard, on the contrary, does not deign to enter into the minutie of comparison. His country was, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the first in Europe; its nobles the most wealthy, the most magnificent, the most punctilious, the most truly aristocratic; its citizens the most advanced in arts and manufactures, and comfort and municipal freedom; its soldiers were allowed the first rank, its sailors the same, The Spaniards taught the existence of this, their universal superiority, to their sons; and these again to their offspring, down to the present day. And the Spaniards implicitly believe the tradition of their forefathers, not merely as applied to the past, but as a judgment of the present. They believe themselves to be precisely what their fathers were three hundred years ago. They take not the least count of all that has happened in that period: the revolutions, the changes, the forward strides of other nations, the backward ones of their own. A great man,

more or less, is consequently to them of little importance. They are too proud to be vain.

This part of the Spanish character explains not a few of the political events of the countries inhabited by the race. In all those countries, individual eminence is a thing not to be tolerated. It constitutes in itself a crime, and the least pretension to it remains unpardoned. Even Bolivar, notwithstanding his immense claims, and notwithstanding the general admission that nothing but a strong hand could keep the unadhesive materials of Spanish American republics together, even he was the object of such hatred, suspicion, jealousy, and mistrust, that his life was a martyrdom to himself, and his salutary influence a tyranny to those whom he had liberated.

There did exist in Spain, up to the commencement of the present century, a grand exception to this universal love of equality, which is a characteristic of the Latin races. And that was the veneration for royalty, which partook of the oriental and fabulous extreme of respect. Nowhere is this more manifest than in the popular drama of the country in which the Spanish monarch precisely resembles the Sultan of the Arabian Nights, as the vicegerent of Providence, the universal righter of wrongs, endowed with ubiquity, omnipotence, and all-wisdom. Two centuries' succession of the most imbecile monarchs greatly impaired, if not effaced, this sentiment. The conduct of Ferdinand to the men and the classes engaged in the war of independence, disgusted all that was spirited and enlightened in the nation. A few remote provinces and gentry thought, indeed, that the principle of legitimacy and loyalty was strong as ever, and they rose to invoke it in favor of Don Carlos. Their failure has taught them and all Spain, that loyalty, in its old, and extreme, and chevalier sense, is extinct; and that in the peninsula, as in other western countries, it has ceased to be fanaticism, and survives merely as a rational feeling.

Royalty is however the only superiority that the Spaniards will admit: and their jealousy of any other power which apes, or affects, or replaces royalty, is irrepressible. A president of a Spanish republic would not be tolerated for a month, nor would a regent. The great and unpardonable fault of Espartero was, that he bore this name.

Another Spanish characteristic, arising from the same principle or making part of it, is the utter want of any influence on the

There is one class, which at the close of revolutions is apt to turn them to its own profit, and becomes arbiter of all that survives in men and things. This is the army. In nations however which have no external wars, it is extremely difficult for the army

side of the aristocracy. For a Spanish | the name of a constitution. They afteraristocracy does survive: an aristocracy wards compelled her to give the reality, as of historic name, great antiquity, monied well as the name. And it was they, too, wealth, and territorial possession. The who drove Don Carlos out of the country, Dukedoms of Infantado, Ossume, Mon- in despite of the tenacity and courage of tilles, &c., are not extinct; neither are the his rustic supporters. He was driven from wearers of these titles exiled or proscrib- before Bilboa, and from every town of more ed; nor have their estates been confiscated respectability than a village. He was welor curtailed. But they have no influence; comed by the peasants and their lords, but and are scarcely counted even as pawns on every collection of citizens rejected him, the chessboard of Spanish politics. The and he and absolutism were obliged to fly Spaniards respect superiority of birth, but the country. their repect is empty. It is rather the respect of an antiquary for what is curious, than the worldly and sensible respect for whatever is truly valuable. The greatest efforts have been made by almost all Spanish legislators and politicians, to make use of the aristocracy as a weight in the political or its chiefs to win and preserve that masbalance, and as a support of throne and tery over public opinion, which is needed constitution. But as Lord Eldon compared to ensure acquiescence in military usurcertain British peers to the pillars of the pations. The French revolution, as we all East London Theatre, which hung from the know, turned to a warlike struggle beroof instead of supporting it, such has been tween France and Europe; in which France the condition of all Spanish peers or proceres was represented by her generals and armies, in any and every constitution. They sup- and in which these but too naturally took ported the government of the time being; the place of civilian statesmen and reprewere infallibly of the opinions diametri- sentative assemblies. In the more isolated cally opposite to those of the deputies; countries of England and Spain, the activity and increased the odium of the ministry, and the glory of the military terminated whether moderado or exaltado, without giv- with the civil war. The career of arms ing it the least support. The rendering was closed; the officers lost their prestige; the upper chamber elective, as was done and Cromwell, though tolerated as a de by the constitution of 1837, has not re-facto ruler, was never looked up to, either medied this. When Christina fell, the up-as the founder of a military monarchy, or per chamber was to a man in her favor; so of a new dynasty. A Cromwell would have did the whole upper chamber support Es- met with more resistance in Spain; civilian partero, when he fell. In short, the attach-jealousy is there as strong as in England; ment of the peers in Spain is ominous; it betokens downfall.

and Cromwell there was none. The Duke of Victory's worst enemies could not seriously accuse him of such ambition.

Baldomero Espartero was born in the year 1792, at Granatula, a village of La Mancha, not far from the towns of Almagro and Ciudad Real. In his last rapid retreat from Albacete to Seville, the regent could not have passed far from the place of his nativity. His father is said to have been a respectable artisan, a wheelwright, and a maker of carts and agricultural implements.

The crown and the clergy, in fact, had labored in unison to destroy and humble the power of the aristocracy, as well as of the middle classes. They succeeded but too well; and in succeeding, they also strengthened that democratic principle of equality which is a monkish principle. But the crown, and the monasteries, and the aristocracy, have all gone down together, whilst the middle classes survive, and have become regenerated with a second youth. It is This artisan's elder brother, Manuel, was only they who have any force in Spain. a monk in one of the Franciscan convents It is the cities, which take the initiative in of Ciudad Real, capital of the province of all changes and all revolutions. For any La Mancha. It is one of the advantages government to incur their displeasure, is at amongst the many disadvantages of mononce to fall; none has been able to strug-asticity, that it facilitates the education and gle against them. These juntas raised the war of independence, and performed the Spanish part of their self-liberation. They again it was who enabled Christina to establish at once her daughter's rights and

the rise of such of the lower classes as give signs of superior intelligence. The friar Manuel took his young nephew, Baldomero, and had him educated in his convent. Had Spain remained in its state of wonted

peace, the young disciple of the convent an engagement was not decisive. A great would in good time have become, in all deal of Indian force was employed, and in probability, the ecclesiastic and the monk. many respects, the Spaniards or SpanishBut about the time when Espartero attain- born came to resemble them in fighting. The ed the age of sixteen, the armies of Napo- chief feat of the action was one brilliant leon poured over the Pyrenees, and men- charge, which, if successful or unsuccessful, aced Spanish independence. It was no decided the day. For, once put to the rout, time for monkery. So at least thought all the soldiers never rallied, at least on that the young ecclesiastical students; for these day, but fled beyond the range of immediate throughout every college in the peninsula pursuit, and often with so little loss that almost unanimously threw off the black the fugitives of yesterday formed an army frock, girded on the sabre, and flung the as numerous and formidable as before their musket over their shoulder. The battalions defeat. How long such a civil war would which they formed were called sacred. Nor have lasted, is impossible to say, had not was such volunteering confined to the foreigners enlisted in the cause, and formyoung. The grizzle-bearded monk him- ed legions, which not only stood the brunt self went forth, and, used to privation, of a first onset, but retreated or advanced made an excellent guerilla. The history of the Spanish wars of independence and of freedom tells frequently of monkish generals, the insignia of whose command were the cord and sandals of St. Francis.

regularly and determinedly. The foreign legion was the Macedonian Phalanx among the Colombians. Owing to it the Spaniards lost the fatal battle of Carabobo, and thenceforward made few effectual struggles against the independents, except in the high country of Peru.

Espartero had his share of most of these actions. As major he fought in 1817 at Lupachin, where the insurgent chief, La Madrid, was routed. Next year he de feated the insurgents on the plains of Majocaigo, and in 1819, Espartero and Seoane reduced the province of Cochalamba. Soon

Young Espartero took part in most of the first battles and skirmishes in the south of Spain, and made part of the Spanish force, we believe, which was shut up and besieged by the French in Cadiz. He here, through the interest of his uncle, was received into the military school of the Isla de Leon, where he was able to engraft a useful military education on his former ecclesiastical acquirements: for to be a sol-after, the revolution that had for its result dier was his vocation, and his wish was not to be an ignorant one. The war of independence was drawing to a close when Espartero had completed his military studies, and could claim the grade of officer in a regular army. But at this same time, the royal government resolved on sending an experienced general with a corps of picked troops to the Spanish main, to endeavor to reestablish the authority of the mother-country. Morillo was the general chosen. Espartero was presented to him, appointed lieutenant, and soon after the sailing of the expedition was placed on the staff of the general.

The provinces of the Spanish main were then the scene of awful warfare. It is needless to inquire on which side cruelty began; the custom of both was almost invariably to sacrifice the lives, not only of captured foes, but of their relatives, young and aged. The war, too, seemed interminable. A rapid march of a general often subdued and apparently reduced a province in a few days, the defeated party flying over sea to the islands, or to the other settlements: but a week would bring them back, and the victors in their turn thought fit to fly, often without a struggle. Even

the establishment of the constitution, broke out in Spain; and the political parties to which it gave rise, began to agitate the Spanish army in Peru. Then the viceroy, who held out for the absolute power of Ferdinand, was deposed; and the other generals, La Serna, Valdez, and Canterac, declared for liberty abroad, as well as at home, though they still fought for preserv ing the links that bound the South American colonies to the mother country. Espartero was of this liberal military party, and served as colonel in the division which under Canterac and Valdez defeated the Peruvian independents at Torrata and Maquega, in January 1823: actions which led to the evacuation of the Peruvian capital by the congress. The Peruvians then summoned Bolivar and the Colombians to their aid, whilst the two parties in the Spanish army, royalist and independent, divided, and began to war with each other, on the news arriving of the restoration of Ferdinand. This afforded great advantage to Bolivar, and that chief pushed them with so much vigor, that the contending royalist parties ceased their strife, and united to overwhelm, as they thought, the Colombians under Paez, the lieutenant under Bolivar.

« 上一頁繼續 »