pport a fyftem of ufurpation and tyranny, ch reflects difhonour on it, and must, if sted in, involve our Honourable employand our colony in a speedy ruin. The ore we fee of this government, the more is rified your own just observation at your first owledge of it. That it is rotten to the core: That then can be expected from a fyftem roten to the very heart of it, in every fenfe? in must attend the family in fpite of our fors to fave them; and we as affuredly be artakers in a greater or leffer degree there-to fay nothing of our drawing our fword pport of fuch a system, against the legal, agh unfortunate prince of the country, From whom every advantage and emolument can with for the company, is tendered to , without limitation. · This being the cate, we are moft anxious for two or three days conference with you, if poffible. We hink, if there appears an abfolute neceflity rit, that you may dispatch 150 or 200 Eupeans, and 4 or 500 Seapoys, to reinforce Patna; and wifh you could, under the pretence of foliciting a further fupply of troops, er ficknefs, or any other cover which may occur to you, leave Capt. Yorke with your detachment, and return to us, if for twentyfour hours only. If you find this impracticable, without raifing fufpicions, which Lay have confequences we cannot forefee, then favour me with your fentiments as foon as posible, without referve. - Extra of Col. Cailaud's answer, Bad as the man may be, whofe caufe we fupport, I cannot be of opinion that we can get rid of him for a better, without running the risk of much greater inconveniencies atending on fuch a change, than thofe we now labour under. I prefume, the establishing tranquility in these provinces would restore to us all the advantages of trade we could wife, for the proft and honour of our employers; and I think we bid fairer to bring that tranquillity about by our prefent influence over the fubah, and by supporting him, than by any change which an be made. No new revolution can take place, without a certainty of troubles; and a revolution will certainly be the confequence, whenever we withdraw our protection from the fubah. We cannot in prudence neier, I believe, leave this revolution to chance; we must, in fome degree, be inrumental in bringing it about: in fuch a fe, it is very pollible we may raise a man to the dignity, just as unfit to govern, as little to depended upon, and, in fhort, as great a rogue r nabob; but perhaps not fo great a cowad, nor fo great a fool, and of confequence with more difficult to manage. As to the inke of fupporting this man, on account of a cruelties, oppreffions, and his being deted in his government; I fee fo little hance, in this bleffed country, of finding a pendued with the oppofite virtues, that I think we may put up with these vices, with which we have no concern, if in other matters we find him fitteft for our purpose. As to his breach of his treaty, by introdu cing the Dutch laft year, that was never fo clearly proved, I believe, but as to admit of fome doubt. Col. Clive, before he left the country, feemed fatisfied, that what was fufpicious in his conduct in that affair, proceeded not from aftual guilt, but from the timidity of his nature But if we ftill fufpect him from further circumstances, we always have it in our power to put it to the teft at once, by making him at as he ought, whether he will or no. You are well acquainted, Sir, with the caufe which first gave rife to the prefent share of influence which we enjoy in this part of the Mogul's empire: -a juft refentment for injuries received, was the first motive which induced us to make a trial of our strength :the ease with which we fucceeded, enlarged our views, and made us chearfully embrace all opportunities of increafing that intereft and influence, both on account of the advan tages which accrued from it to the Hon. Company, as likewife the hopes that it might in time prove a fource of benefit and riches to our country. Such were, I believe, the motives of Col. Clive's actions during his adminiftration; fuch, I believe, were the views of the Hon. Company when they folicited and obtained Col. Coote's regiment from the government; and fuch, I am certain, is the plan which the Colonel propofes, on his return, to pursue and to fupport, in hopes to convince the miniftry and the company, as he is convinced himself, that if they picai to fupport his project, it will prove of the greateft advantage to the public. If I have stated our fituation right, it follows, I believe, of course, that we are bound with vigour to work on the fame plan, to act on the Jame principles, and to keep up the fyftem as perfect and entire as it was left in our hands; that whatever refolutions the nation or the company may come to on Col. Clive's reprefentations, they may not be disappointed by finding here (at leaft through our faults) any very material change in our fituation, power, or credit. One word more: All we can wish to do is, not to fuffer the nabob to impofe on us, and to check every beginning of an independence he may endeavour to affume :- let us confult, and improve on every occafion that offers, the honour and advantage of our employers, and the increase of their trade and credit; and not let them fuffer any additional expence on account of pursuing any plan, or fupporting any fyftem whatever. By acting thus, I think we cannot err; we run at least no risk; and I believe the company's af fairs may be conducted by us under this furah, as much to their advantage and credit as any other whom a revolution may place in the government. Extra That the Extra of Mr Holwell's reply. Had it ever been my wish or intention to have taken our Support from the prefent nabob, and transfer it to any other, your arguments, in that cafe, would have all the weight with me they fo greatly merit; but, I think, on a reprefentation of mine to you, and the copy of mine to Mr Amyatt, you will fee that was not my aim; for I concur minutely with your objections to fuch a step, and am very clear we should not mend our fituation by a revolution in favour of any other, who would, as you truly obferve, prove as bad as the prefent, and probably worfe.. But my views for the company went much higher. will country never be in a fettled peaceful state whilft this family is at the head of it, is a pofition I lay down as inconteftable; and that until the country enjoys that state, the company's affairs muft, in confequence, be daily approach ing to certain ruin: I therefore judge we could never be poffefled of a more juft or favourable opportunity to carry into execution what must be done, I plainly fee, one time or other, if the company have ever a fecure footing in the provinces, to wit, Take this country into their own hands, limiting to our felves the province of Bengal only, or extending our views to thofe of Bahar and Orixa, as on future debate might be thought most eligible. The fituation of the Prince at prefent is fuch, that I am fure he would readily and thankfully hearken to an overture from us, and without hesitation grant a phirmaund, appointing the company perpetual fubahs of the province. His two phirmaunds to me, as I before advised you, offered a charte blanche for the company; and I dare fay that to you was of the fame tenor. With respect to the validity of receiving a phirmaund from him, I cannot think it poflibly liable to impeachment. That he is the legal heir to the empire, is beyond contradiction; that Abdallah has proclaimed him Emperor, by the name of Shaw Allum, ordered ficcas to be ftruck in his name, and called him to the throne, are truths which now I believe will admit of no doubt. But, on fuppofition, things fhould come to the worf, and the if fue of them at laft prove in favour of Shaw Jehawn, I conceive it would very little affect us, when once in pofefion of the provinces; for let the lot of empire fall to whom it will, the regular remittance of the ftipulated revenues of the government, from which that court had hardly benefited fince the time of Subah Khan,would fecure a confimation from whatever prince fills the throne, if his eyes are open to his own interest. From the first of thefe extracts it aprears, that Mr Holwell founded Col. Cailaud as to a revolution; from the fecond, that, in the Colonel's opinion, a revolution in favour of quother would only ren der bad worfe; and from the third, tha Mr Holwell minutely concurred in this opi nion, and had no hope of advantage from depofing Jaffer, except we could tak the country into our own hands. What motive afterwards induced M Holwell to act a principal part in depofin Jaffier, in favour of another; what motiv induced the Colonel to concur, contrar to his opinion, to fully and clearly decla red to Mr Holwell, and fo fully and clear ly confirmed by that of Mr Holiwell, by no means difficult to conceive. The event bas fhewn, that the reve lution was a change from bad to worl as thole who brought it about forefav and declared, in confidence to each oth it would be. With refpect to the transactions fubft quent to the late affair at Patna, Mr Ho well has drawn a confequence which can not fairly be inferred. He fays, if th depofing Jaffier was wrong, the fettin him up again was right. When Jaff was once depofed, a new change w likely to produce new troubles, howev gainful to thole that thould bring it bout. The company acted wifely in a quiefcing in the revolution, after it wa brought about, even fuppofing they woul have oppofed its taking place. Upon the whole, there is too muc reason to fear, that the pecuniary advar tages of nabob-making to the company fervants abroad, will at length be fat to their intereft in that part of the worl Victory has always finally refted wit great fuperiority of numbers; for the ski or advantage which gives conqueft to th few, will at length be obtained by th many, however dear it may coft then The nabobs finding, that, as long we are able to depofe them, their roya ty will be precarious, will, whenever i is in their power, put an end to this abi lity at once, by expelling us from th country; a period which perhaps is no now far diftant. This view of the controverfy preclude the allegations pro and con in other pam phlets on this fubject; for they all relat to the adminiftration of Jaffier, one en deavouring to juftify, the other to con Gemn it: Whereas the question is, Whe ther the revolution, when it was brough about, was eligible, taking for granted that all the complaints against Jafier ar well founded? That it was not, ap rears by the concurrent opinion of Cai laud and Holwell, that they judged right 66 he event has abundantly proved. "A man has been railed as unfit to govern, little to be depended upon, and, in port, as great a rogue as Jafier; but t fo great a coward, nor fo great a fool; nd of confequence much more difficult manage." As to Lord Clive's letter to the prorietors, it relates wholly to what is caled his jaghire; a grant to him from the abob, in confequence of which, the Company ought to pay to Lord Clive what hey before paid to the nabob, for the erritory they held, and still hold, under nother grant of the fame kind and valiEty. He has proved, to demonftration, hat this annuity is his right, and is most ajarioufly with-held from him, upon preences which would for ever difgrace an ndividual, however they may be regard d in an aggregate body. Gent. Mag. SIR, Edinburgh, March 2. & 29. THE diftrefs felt in this country for fome time paft, from the fcarcity of rtable money, and the high price of de of exchange, is an affair that has a wakened the attention of every body concerned in trade, and has brought our anking companies into the greatest diemma. How to find out the proper Deans of relief from this diftrefs, I beieve perplexes fome of our ableft heads, smuch as to determine the time when kings will return to their wonted chanel. I have had occafion to fee fundry luobrations on this fubject of late; many of which I think merit very little regard, and none of them less than that which appeared in your paper [31.] of the 21ft -He alledges, That "fince the eginning of the world, there never ra a nation fo much abufed by bank3g as Scotland is at prefent." I thall ave occafion afterwards to take no of the particular inftances of abufe that he charges the banks with: but Fanting they were all juft, he is in a very at mistake, when he fays, that never sa a nation fo abused by banking. Has cotland ever been in the fituation that France was in about forty years ago, en their banking fcheme terminated payments of ten thillings for a pound? s not this fhew, that this writer has a competent measure of knowledge qualify him for writing on the fubject, en be appears ignorant of what made great a moife in the world, and that fo lately, although he pretends to know what has paffed about banking fince the beginning of the world? But to go on to the particular infances of abule thar he mentious: He fays, that “all our banks, when they had got the whole mony into their hands, employed it in their own private trades, ftockjobbing, &c, -they have-plundered the nation." And afterwards he fays of the Edinburgh banks, "We do not hear that they have traded with our money, like the Glasgow merchants:" And then he puts the queftion, "But did they never job in 'Changealley?" The answer to this he no doubt means ought to be in the affirmative; fo that although he feems to bear more favour for the Edinburgh banks than for thofe of Glasgow, yet now he comes to bring both in equally guilty. But are all thefe accufations juft? is all this that he fo confidently advances, true? By no means. I affirm, that the whole is false; and he is now called upon to support what he has advanced as above with fatisfying evidence, otherwife to lie for ever under the imputation of grofs lying and the vileft calumny. What is more indecent, than to charge all the gentlemen concerned in banking in this country with practices of which they are by no means guilty? Then he tells us further, that a "Gw company, for example, fubfcribes 15,000l. of capital, and iffue notes for 150,000 or 200,000. Each partner takes credit with themselves for two or three times his fhare,-free of intereft." [xxv. 559, 60.] But will any body believe, that he knows the extent either of the capital or circulation of the banking-companies at Glasgow, or that they are fo foolish as to give individual partners credits without proper fecurity, or that they will lend to them free of intereft? In short, this man feems neither to regard truth nor common fense in his writing, provided he can get fome very heavy affair to bring against the banks. And accordingly he goes on to tell us what is part of their prefent method, which he fays, "is no exaggeration," although I am very certain that it will appear very much fo to any that will be at the leaft pains to confider his tale. After he has told what he feems to think a very mcving ftory about a Glasgowman and an Englishman, he fays, "Well, the Englithman (not willing to lofe a good cuttomer) takes the notes, and charges the next goods ten, fifteen, nay twenty per cent. dearer dearer than formerly. Thus we the confumers pay fo much more for all Eng. lifh goods, than if there were no bank in Scotland." To fhew the ridiculoufnef of this, it is fufficient to obferve, that, till within these three years bygone, English dealers were in ufe to receive their payments (as now they do) in bank-notes, with which they bought bills on London at par, for the most part, at fifty or fixty days after date. This they confidered as no hardship, and they rarely gave the banks any trouble. But fince exchange got up to high as one or one and a half per cent. at these dates, they have ap plied to the banks; who, rather than part with fpecie, have generally made offer of ferving the English dealers in bilis at 80 or 90 days date at par. Some of the leaft prudent of thefe gentlemen have bullied and made a noite about this, as if the banks were taking advantage of them; whereas they were really ferving them upon lower terms than any private dealer in bills would do, by one or at least three fourths per cent. Now, fuppofing the banks to have kept up their bills to 90 days, what is the difference to the English dealer, now, from what it was formerly? Why, juft 30 days, which is no more than 8 s. 2 d. half penny per cent. Or fuppofing the difference to be 35 or 40 days, it comes to be about one half per cent. How far then is this writer mistaken, when he fuppoles that an English dealer for this muft lay on 20 or even 10 per cent. more upon goods than formerly; especially confidering that rivalship takes place as much amongst these as among any fet of traders that can be met with any where? What he fays about premiums given for fpecie, is not a cafe peculiar to Scotland, and Birmingham buttons are in as great plenty in England as here. Had this man confidered, that little or no trade of any kind could be carried on in this country without the affistance of the banks, he would not have fo rafhly denounced the curfe upon them: nor would he have said that they have robbed us of our cath, had he reflected that we have had no cafh brought into the country for these three years paft that bears any proportion to the immenfe fums brought into it by the banks. As to what he fays about contributions raised on our banks by people from Carlife and New cafle, he might have faved himfelf the trouble of going fo far abroad, as he might have found some pitiful creatures about Edinburgh, that are fo mercenary as to fol low thefe practices. "But," fays he, "t is really all fair." But let me afk hi Would he reckon it fair for any body, make him lole twenty fhillings, in or that the other might put leven or ei fhillings into his own pocket? This ing the nature of thefe tranfactions, m not any body with half an eye fee, t practices of this fort are ruinous to country, as well as to the banks. A yet, fays he, they are all fair. T man is no doubt as low in point of mor as in common fenfe. Edin. Adv. A method propofed of lowering the change between Edinburgh and London [The effay in our laft [89. is fince rep blifhed, with the following conclufion, ftead of that it had originally.] -But how is the exchange to made lower? [92. c. 2. 1. 19.]. By t banks getting a credit in London to dra for what money they find neceflary fight; for which they should not take bove one and a fourth per cent. T would keep down the exchange. And procure fuch a credit, they ought not ftick upon terms. Or they might appo fome body to pay their notes in Lond in the fame way as fome of the Glafg notes are paid in Edinburgh. This wo make them circulate over England and if cash muft at last be paid, the pence of fending it down would be sav It would alfo be proper that the bai should advertise the country, that t mark only the notes of fuch as they pect are to take the money out of country, but that others will have chai as ufual. That scheme, of calling in their del and taking away their [92. c. 2. I. credits, will never anfwer; as it will great measure put a stop to the circu tion of the notes, of course to their fits; and those who have their cre ftruck off, will never deal with them gain. Befides, it would be ungentlem ly, as well as imprudent, to take strong a step for the fault of a few ther would it answer in the end. the interest of all societies, as well dividuals, to use every body well: Edinburgh Advertiser. [As our banks are impowered to eife the rights of banking in Scotland [xxv. 559.], quar. Would not what is here pofed be going beyond the privileges gra them by law; and would it not probabl larm the bank of England?] A catalogue of New Books, with remarks and extracts, continued. Additions a l' Efay fur l'Hift. Generale, &c. A fupplement to Mr Voltaire's Effay on Univerfal Hiftory, and on the spirit and manners of nations, from Charlemagne to the prefent times. 8vo. 1763. MR De Voltaire having just published a new edition of his Univerfal Hiftory, with many additions and amendments, it h been judged expedient, for the beneft of the purchalers of the former edifirs, to reprint those amendments in a rrate volume. Such a publication, inleed, was rendered indifpenfably neceffaty by the many and interefting augmentas of the latter edition; which are ere printed in the order of time, and may be easily referred to, from the Hifto, in their proper places. That our readers may form their own gment, however, of the importance of ele Addenda, we hall quote fome few ages from different parts of this mifaneous volume. 66 In treating of the religion of the Indian ains, in whofe favour this celebrated iter is not a little prejudiced, he insus of his being poffefled of a tranflaof one of the most ancient manufcripts the world. This," fays he, "is not Wedam, which is fo much talked of in , and hath yet never been commuted to the literati of Europe. It is Ezourwedam, an ancient commentary the Wedam, compofed by the great amontou. The Wedam itself is a facd book, which the bramins pretend to ve been dictated by God for the inftrucof mankind. The commentary was geted and written by a very learned in, who was occafionally of great fere to our India company, and who tranfed it from the facred language into the ch tongue. this commentary, Chumontou, its or, combats idolatry, and quotes the es words of the Wedain: God is upreme being who hath created all , animate and inanimate: he hath med four different ages: every thing thes at the end of each age; all is merged, and the paffage from one age another is by a deluge, &c. When exifted alone, and no other being exbed with him, he formed the defign of eating the world: at firft he created afterwards water and earth; and of the mixture of the five elements, VOL. XXVI. [92] He viz. earth, water, fire, light, and air, he How many curious things are here contained in a few words! We are first informed of this great truth, that God is the creator of the world: we next difcover the origin of that ancient fable of the four ages, of gold, filver, brass, and iron, All the principles of the ancient theology are evidently contained in the Wedam. We fee there the deluge of Deucalion, which reprefents nothing more than the vaft pains which have been taken in all ages to drain the marshes, which the negligence of mankind have fo long permitted to lie under water. Indeed all the citations made from the Wedam, in this manufcript, are aftonishing: among the rest are the following admirable fentences: "God never created vice; be cannot be the author of it. God, who is all wifdom and goodnefs, could be the author of nothing but virtue." But one of the most fingular paffages in the Wedam is the following: "The firft man, when he came out of the hands of God, faid thus to his maker, As there will neceffarily be different occupations for mankind on earth, and as all will not be equally formed for each, how are they to be distinguished and adapted? To this the creator replied, Thole who are born with the greatest understanding, and with a greater inclination to virtue than others, will become bramins: those who have the greater fhare of Rofogum, that is to fay, of ambition, will be warriors: thofe who fhare most of the Tomogun, or avarice, will be merchants: and those whofe lot it is to poffels the most of the Cemegun, viz. thofe who are the moit robutt in body and weak of mind, will be employed in the more fervile offices of humanity." In this paffage we may difcover the true origin of the four cafts or tribes of the Indies, or rather of the four different conditions of human feciety. It would be difficult, in fact, to fettle the bafis of the inequality of conditions in life, T unlefs |