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our mode of printing. We are sensible that when a question is met with in the reading, there is a proper variation to be used in the management of the voice.. We have, therefore, a point, called an interrogation, affixed to the question, in order to distinguish it. But this is absurdly placed at its end, so that the reader does not discover it till he finds that he has wrongly modulated his voice, and is therefore obliged to begin again the sentence. To prevent this, the Spanish printers, more sensibly, place an interrogation at the beginning as well as at the end of the question. We have another error of the same kind in printing plays, where something often occurs that is marked as spoken aside. But the word aside is placed at the end of the speech, when it ought to precede it, as a direction to the reader, that he may govern his voice accordingly. The practice of our ladies in meeting five or or six together, to form little busy parties, where each is employed in some useful work, while one reads to them, is so commendable in itself, that it deserves the attention of authors and printers to make it as pleasing as possible, both to the reader and hearers.
My best wishes attend you, being, with sincere es. teem,
- B. FRANKLIN.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE HIGHEST COURT
Power of this Court. .
the citizens of the state, and even against all inferior courts ; and may judge, sentence, and condemn to infamy, not only private individuals, but public bodies, &c. with or without enquiry or hearing, at the court's discretion. Whose favour, or for whose emoluments this Court is
established. In favour of about one citizen in five hundred, who, by education, or practice in scribbling, has acquired a tolerable style as to grammar and construction, so as to bear printing; or who is possessed of a press and a few types. This five hundredth part of the cit. izens have the privilege of accusing and abusing the other four hundred and ninety-nine parts at their plea, sure; or they may hire out their pens and press to others, for that purpose.
Practice of this Court. It is not governed by any of the rules of the com· mon courts of law. The accused is allowed. no grand
jury to judge of the truth of the accusation before it is publicly made ; nor is the name of the accuser made known to him ; nor has he an opportunity of confronting the witnesses against him, for they are kept in the dark, as in the Spanish court of inquisition. Nor is there any petty jury of his peers sworn to try the truth of the charges. The proceedings are also so petimes so rapid, that an honest good citizen Inay find himself suddenly and unexpectedly accused, and in the same morning judged and condemned, and sentence pronounced against him that he is a rogue and a villian. Yet if an, officer of this court receives the slightest check for misconduct in this his office, he claims immediately the rights of a free citizen by the constitution, and demands to know his accuser, to confront the witnesses, and to have a fair trial by a jury of his peers.
The foundation of its authority. It is said to be founded on an article in the state constitution, which establishes the liberty of the press-a liberty which every Pennsylvanian would fight and die for, though few of us, I believe, have distinct ideas of its nature and extent. It seems, indeed, somewhat like the liberty of the press that felons have ; by the eommon law of England before conviction ; that is, to be either pressed to death or hanged. If by the liberty of the press, were understood merely the liberty of discussing the propriety of public measures and political opinions, let us have as much of it as you please ; but if it means the liberty of affronting, calumniating, and defaming one another, I, for my part, own myself willing to part with my share of it, whenever our legislators shall please so to alter the law : and shall cheerfully consent to exchange my liberty of abusing others, for the privilege of not being abuso ed myself.
By whom this court is commissioned or constituted.
It is not any commission from the supreme execu. tive council, who might previously judge of the abil. ities, integrity, knowledge, &c. of the persons to be appointed to this great trust of deciding upon the characters and good fame of the citizens: for this court is above that council, and may accuse, judge, and condemn it at pleasure. Nor is it hereditary, as is the court of dernier resort in the peerage of England. But any man who can procure pen, ink, and paper, with a press, a few types, and a huge pair of blacking balls, may commissionate himself, and his court is immediately established in the plenary possession and exercise of its rights. For if you make the least complaint of the judge's conduct, he daubs his blacking balls in your face wherever he meets you, and bedes tearing your private character in splinters, marks
you out for the odium of the public, as an enemy to the liberty of the press.
of the natural support of this court. Its support is founded in the depravity of such minds as have not been mended by religion, nor improved by good education.
There is a lust in man no charm can tame,
Of loudly publishing his neighbour's shame.
On eagles' wings, immortal, scandals fly,
DRIDEN. Whoever feels pain in hearing a good character of his neiglibour, will feel a pleasure in the reverse. And of those who, despairing to rise to distinction by their virtues, are happy if others can be depressed to a level with themselves, there are a number sufficient in every great town to maintain one of these courts by their subscription. A shrewd observer once said, that in walking in the streets of a slippery morning, one might see where the good natured people lived, by the ashes thrown on the ice before the doors ; probably he would have formed a different conjecture of the tem. per of those whom he might find engaged in such subscriptions. of the checks proper to be established against the abuses
of power in those courts. Hitherto there are none. But since so much has been written and published on the federal constitution ; and the necessity of checks, in all other parts of good government, has been so clearly and learnedly explained, I find myself so far enlightened as to suspect some check may be proper in this part also; but I have been at loss to imagine any that may not be construed an infringement of the sacred liberty of the press. At length, however, I think I have found one, that instead
of diminishing general liberty, shall augment it; which is, by restoring to the people a species of liberty of which they have been deprived by our laws, I mean the liberty of the cudgel! In the rude state of society prior to the existence of laws, if one man gave another ill-language, the affronted person might return it by a box on the ear; and if repeated, by a good drubing: and this without offending against any law; but now the right of making such returns is denied, and they are punished as breaches of the peace, while the right of abusing seems to remain in full force ; the laws made against it being rendered ineffectual by the liberty of the press.
My proposal then is, to leave the liberty of the press untouched, to be exercised in its full extent, force, and vigour, but to permit the liberty of the cudgel to go with it, pari passu. Thus, my fellow-citizens, if an impudent writer attacks your reputation dearer perhaps to you than your life, and puts his name to the charge, you may go to him as openly and break his head. If he conceals himself behind the printer, and you can nevertheless discover who he is, you may in like manner, waylay him in the night, attack him behind, and give him a good drubbing. If your adversary hires better writers than himself, to abuse you more effectually, you may hire brawny porters, stronger than yourself, to assist you in giving him a more effectual drubbing. Thus far goes my project, as to private resentment and retribution. But if the public should ever happen to be affronted, as it ought to be with the conduct of such writers, I would not advise proceeding immediately to these extremi. ties, but that we should in moderation content our. selves with tarring and feathering, and tossing them in a blanket.
If, however, it should be thought that this proposal of mine may disturb the public peace, I would then kumbly recommend to our legislators, to take up the.