same duty on all articles upon their introduction. But independent of the injury to our revenue, we conceive that this system never can be adopted in this country; our interests are too separate, too much at variance, and our circumstances and habits too often change. There is, we conceive, but one mode, and that is by enacting a tariff act in extenso. Let the chemist, the deale in hardware, in dry goods, the grocer, the mechanic, the manufacturer, each be called upon for a catalogue of the articles in which he deals, the tools, of his trade, and the productions of his manufactory, with such remarks as to their material, their mode of manufacture, their varieties, and their use, as may be sufficient to present a full and lucid exposition of the subject. From these reports, letan act be framed, to fill a volume if necessary, (and we presume it would,) properly arranged and digested by men of ability and experience, and accompanied by such notes and comments as may be necessary to elucidate doubtful points-full, definite, and precise; and let this be the law of the land.

We are aware that the completion of such a work could not be effected without great expense and immense labour; but this we conceive to be no argument against its adoption: the commerce of our country has made us What we are; and it is fair that some part of the treasure which it is daily pouring into the lap of government should be expended to add to its stability and improvement.

4

The adoption of such a plan, we conceive, would have several important results; the doubt and uncertainty which pervades the present system would be cleared away; there would be but one duty to one article, and that ascertained without hesitation, by a simple reference to the act. The host of interpreters which at present derange the system, would be removed, by destroying the necessity for an exercise of their powers, and the inequalities arising from this source entirely removed. The duties would be in all cases uniform throughout the United States, and those injurious monopolies arising from errors of construction in the ministers of the law, and which at present contribute to such an extent to disorder the system, effectually prevented. As a farther consequence, the treasury department would be relieved from an immense mass of applications, each one demanding a minute and sometimes laborious investigation, and when so investigated, in many cases, resulting in the unsettling an established rule, and rendering uncertain, what common usage, and the general opinions of men may have settled, as the true construction of doubtful points. But the most important result would be, a good prospect at

least of that permanency and stability to our commercial sys-tem, so necessary to preserve its energy and vigour. The business of legislation on this subject would be reduced to a point. As a particular branch of industry might need encouragement, those articles alone which are produced by it might be selected by our legislators, and altered as to its rate of duty. It would never thereafter be necessary to alter the duties on all manufactures of iron, in order to increase that on an ox chain, as the surest mode by which this object could be effected.

TWIf, however, we are to continue upon the present plan; if the regulation of interests so important, is still to depend upon acts of two sections, and three or four octavo pages, let these acts at least, however limited in their operation, be complete in themselves; let there be throughout, broad landmarks which the most erring judgment cannot mistake, a definiteness and consistency which can leave no room for questionable inferences; and let them, as far as may be, be their own interpreters, by such express declarations on their general intent and meaning, as may allow but one rule of construction, and that so plain that he that runs may read. 3

We have examined with attention the little volume whose. title heads this article, and pronounce it, without hesitation, to be a sound and able construction of our tariff acts. We are aware that Mr. Lyon in some few cases differs from the treasury, but this we consider as no objection to the book, as those differences can be easily noted, and the congress, or the courts fof law, have yet to decide which of the two is right. For ourselves, we believe that Mr. Lyon's construction in most cases, will be finally adopted; and we should not hesitate at present to act upon his principles, had we a large interest at stake, at the risk even of a tedious and extensive course of litigation. The work is one of immense labour and great care, and we →would recommend it to our mercantile friends as a sure and safe guide. The memoranda at the beginning of the volume will be found particularly valuable. Twenty years experience as an officer of the customs, in its most important branches, and the assistance of the able lawyer who presides at the head of his department, are recommendations possessed, we believe, by no other work of the kind than Mr. Lyon's as yet published. We do not mean by these observations to de-, tract from the merit of Mr. Degrand's tariff, as we have not had an opportunity of examining it with such attention as to give a correct opinion upon it; we presume, however, that it has been compiled with the usual care and ability of that gentleman.

The subject upon which we have treated, we confess, may be uninviting to many of our readers, but it has nevertheless an important bearing upon the interests of all of them. It does not affect the merchant alone, but extends in its consequences to all classes of society, however remote from the scenes of commercial enterprise, and however unsuspicious of the fact. The hardy son of the West, whose practical knowledge of navigation may never have been extended beyond the petty manoeuvres of mere river craft, and who may have heard of, but cannot realize those floating castles, which, under the controul of man, have joined nations, three thousand miles apart, and have converted the science, the intellect, the genius, the luxuries and the comforts of all mankind, into common property, yet depends, perhaps, upon the proper management of these very laws, whether he shall go on to the end of his days, labouring without profit and without encouragement; or whether, as he pursues his pilgrimage, its cares may be lightened, its sorrows alleviated by social intercourse and kindly sympathy. It is the common concern of all.

But though remote, and less burdensome in its immediate effects to other classes of the community, the subject is of vital importance to the mercantile interest, and demands from our rulers a serious and disinterested attention; and we hold, that while legislating on this subject, they are bound in their deliberations not simply to regard the general effect, the broad bearing of their acts upon commerce as a system, but to consult the interest of the merchant as an individual, as a single member of society, pursuing with anxious solicitude those schemes, having private emolument, it is true, for their end, but resulting in lasting and important advantages to our national character and resources, which have been formed and pursued upon the faith of government, and in reliance on the permanency of the system which that government has adopted.-They should consider him as a being formed by themselves, that they have induced him to launch his bark, and to commit himself to the winds and to the waves under a full promise of advantage to his interest, and of reward for his enterprise.That they have trained him up to his pursuits, in full reliance upon them as the protectors of his rights and the promoters of his prosperity. They should consider, too, that he has not been ungrateful; that through his exertions our political institutions, from the command of resources, have gained a stability and strength which may defy the attacks of a foreign enemy, or domestic faction; that our seaboard presents a line of magnificent cities; that our harbours are crowded by the ships

of all the world; and that through these avenues the wealth of Europe and of the East has been scattered over our land, fertilizing it to its farthest borders.

ORIGINAL BUSTS AND PORTRAITS OF WASHINGTON.

Artists who painted and modelled Original Portraits of Washington. Charles W. Peale, of Philadelphia.

1. Charles W. Peale, born 1741, painted 14 original portraits from the life, from 1772 to 1795 inclusive. That done in 1772 is in the possession of George W. P. Custis, of Arlington. That of 1781, in the Baltimore Museum. Those of 1783, 1786, and 1795, in Philadelphia Museum. One of 1783, in Annapolis State House. The others unknown. Houdon, of Paris.

2. Houdon modelled his bust by a cast from the life in plaister, Mount Vernon, in 1783.

J. Wright, of Philadelphia.

3. Mr. Joseph Wright painted his portrait at the Head Quarters, Rocky Hill, New-Jersey, in 1783, now in the possession of Mr. Powell, Chesnut-street, Philadelphia, at the same time with Mr. Dunlap.

Wm. Dunlap, of New-Jersey.

4. Mr. William Dunlap, born in 1776, painted his portrait at Rocky Hill, New-Jersey, then Head Quarters, in 1783, at the same time with Mr. Wright, now in possession of Mrs. Van Horne, at Rocky Hill.

Pine, of England.

5. Mr. Pine painted his portrait in 1778, now in the possession of Henry Brevoort, Esq. New York.

Trumbull, of Connecticut.

6. Colonel John Trumbull, born 6th June, 1756, painted his whole length portrait in 1790, now in the City Hall of New York.

Ceracchi, of Rome.

7. Signor Ceracchi, modelled two busts; one the size of life, cut in marble, now in the possession of Richard Mead, Esq. Philadelphia; the other of colossal size, a cast of which, identical with the original, is in the possession of the Academy of Fine Arts, New-York.

Vol. 1, No. VI.

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Robertson.

8. Archibald Robertson, born 8th May, 1765, painted his portrait in 1792, in his own possession, 79 Liberty street, NewYork.

Wertmuller, of Sweden.

9. Mr. Wertmuller, painted his original in 1793; in possession of Cornelius Bogert, Esq. Jamaica, Long-Island.

Savage.

10. Mr. Savage painted and engraved the Washington family about the year 1794. Where the original is deposited is unknown; it was about 20 years since in his Museum, New-York.

J. Peale.

11. Mr. James Peale, brother of C. W. Peale, born 1750, painted two originals; the date, &c. of the first unknown; but the second was painted in 1795, now in his own possession, Philadelphia.

R. Peale, son of C. W. Peale.

12. Mr. Rembrandt Peale, (born February 22, 1778,) in 1795, at the age of 18, made an abortive attempt whilst his father was painting Washington, to paint him also.

Sharpless.

13. Mr. Sharpless painted two small portraits in crayons, one in profile, the other a more front view, in 1796; one of them is in the possession of Judge Peters of Philadelphia. Note. The above tally with each other, with very trifling differences; no more, however, than might have been expected from the various points of view in which he was taken, the various styles in which they were executed, the difference of light and shade, and, more particularly, the various periods of his life in which he sat to the above artists; for Washington in his youth did not look as he did in his latter days, any more than any other man does. When he sat for his last portrait to Stewart, he no more looked the man of former years; and having lost his teeth, he was totally disfigured by a most formidable set of artificial ones, which made him ever after appear like another person; hence the occasion of all the dissatisfaction about his resemblance. We doubt not, in the least, that Stewart has given us a correct likeness of the man, when he sat to him, although totally differing from all other portraitsso that those who wish to view Washington as President, may look at Stewart's; but such as wish to behold him in his prime,