both in Parliament and out of it, applauded the measures of the Congress in firm and manly language. We have elsewhere quoted the eloquent tribute of Lord Chatham to the merits of their proceedings, in his great and admired speech on American affairs, wherein he urged the recall of the troops from Boston, and a repeal of the obnoxious legislation.' It was a question of the greatest magnitude, involving the fate of empire, and appealing powerfully to the feelings of that illustrious character, whose attachment to the glory and welfare of his country was the strongest passion of his breast. 'Lord Chatham,' says Quincy, who was present on this memorable occasion, rose like Marcellus,- viros supereminet omnes. He seemed to feel himself superior to those around him. His language, voice, and gesture, were more pathetic than I ever saw or heard before, at the bar or senate. He seemed like an old Roman senator, rising with the dignity of age, yet speaking with the fire of youth. The illustrious sage stretched forth his hand with the decent solemnity of a Paul, and, rising with his subject, he smote his breast with the energy and grace of a Demosthenes.' 2 'As an Englishman, by birth and principle,' said the great orator, 'I recognize to the Americans their supreme, unalienable right in their property; a right which they are fortified in the defence of, to the last extremity. To maintain this principle is the common cause of the Whigs on the other side of the Atlantic and on this. ""Tis liberty to liberty engaged," that they will defend themselves, their families, and their country. In this great cause they are immovably allied. It is the alliance of God and nature-immutable, eternal, fixed as the firmament of heaven.'

2

Quincy's Quincy, p. 318, 319. The date of this speech was Jan. 20,

CHAPTER VII.

1774-1775.

PROCEEDINGS IN SOUTH CAROLINA.

'CONGRESS,' says Wirt, in his Life of Patrick Henry, 'rose in October, and Mr. Henry returned to his native county. Here, as was natural, he was surrounded by his neighbors, who were eager to hear not only what had been done, but what kind of men had composed that illustrious body. He answered their inquiries with all his wonted kindness and candor; and having been asked by one of them, 'whom he thought the greatest man in Congress,' he replied - If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge of South Carolina, is by far the greatest orator; but if you speak of solid information, and sound judgment, Colonel Washington is, unquestionably, the greatest man on that floor.'1

John Adams has recorded a very different estimate of Rutledge's oratorical abilities. He thus describes several of the eminent speakers of the Congress, and Rutledge among the number. Johnson of Maryland,' he says, 'has a clear and a cool head, an extensive knowledge of trade as well as law. He is a deliberating man, but not a shining orator; his passions and imagination don't appear enough for an orator; his reason and penetration appear, but not his rhetoric. Galloway, Duane, and Johnson, are sensible and learned, but cold speakers. Lee, Henry, and Hooper, are the orators; Paca is a deli

'Life of Patrick Henry, p. 113. See to the same effect Garden's Anecdotes, p. 174, 176.

berator too; Chase speaks warmly; Mifflin is a sprightly and spirited speaker; John Rutledge don't exceed in learning or oratory, though he is a rapid speaker; young Edward Rutledge is young and zealous, a little unsteady and injudicious, but very unnatural and affected as a speaker; Dyer and Sherman speak often and long, but very heavily and clumsily.'1

From the marked opposition' of Adams' opinion, to that ascribed by Wirt to Henry, as well as from the fact that the latter betrays anything but enthusiasm for, or admiration of the Rutledges,' in the paragraph from Adams' Diary, which we have quoted in a preceding page,' the Editor of Adams' Works, doubts, whether Henry ever expressed the opinion, that Wirt attributes to him.' But the attentive reader will not fail to observe, that Henry, in the paragraph to which allusion is made, speaks of the political system of Galloway, Jay, and the Rutledges, not of their oratory or talents. He might condemn, as he did, their line of policy, and yet applaud the ability and eloquence with which they defended it. That Rutledge was a distinguished orator, we must believe, or discredit all contemporary testimony. At the same time, his oratory was by no means his principal merit. He had faults of style. He did not use all gently,' and in the torrent of passion observe the temperance that may give it smoothness. These defects Adams observed, and recorded. Doubtless, between his opinion, and the opinion attributed to Henry, is the golden mean,' whence we may deduce Rutledge's real merits, as a public speaker."

'Adams' Works, vol. ii., p. 395, 396. Adams elsewhere speaks of the Rutledges' style of oratory in very unfavorable terms. John,' he says, 'dodges his head rather disagreeably, and both of them spout out their language in a rough and rapid torrent, but without much force or effect.' Ibid., p. 422.

3

2 Ante, p. 490. Adams' Works, vol. ii., p. 396, note. Ante, p. 477.

'I long to tell you what we have done,' wrote Edward Rutledge to Judge Bee, while Congress was still sitting, 'but am prevented from silence having been imposed upon us all by consent, the first week in Congress; this, however, I may say, that the province will not be able to account for our conduct until we explain it, though it is justifiable upon the strictest principles of honor and policy.' We shall see presently, that Rutledge and his colleagues were soon called upon by their constituents, to explain their conduct respecting the non-importation agreement, which had occasioned very great dissatisfaction.

The South Carolina delegates arrived at Charleston on the 6th of November, and were respectfully received.'' On the 9th, the general committee honored them with an elegant entertainment.' To strengthen the public union, the committee now issued resolutions for a meeting of the colony, (by representation,) to receive an account of the proceedings of the late Continental Congress, to elect delegates for the next Congress, as well as a new General Committee, and to establish such regulations as the urgency of the times might render necessary. The time fixed for this important meeting, was the 11th of January, 1775. Accordingly, on that day, one hundred and eighty-four representatives, elected by districts and parishes, as previously described by the committee, assembled at the Exchange in Charleston, and having

'Sanderson's Biography, vol. iii., p. 16. Mr. Rutledge, in the letter from which the extract in the text is taken, speaks of Gadsden as, 'if possible, worse than ever; more violent, more wrong-headed.' But no member of the Congress had a deeper insight into the real merits of the controversy than Christopher Gadsden. His prescience discovered that war was inevitable; that the future union of the two countries was impossible; and, as the struggle must come, he urged upon Congress to attack and overcome General Gage, in Boston, before he could receive reinforcements. We may well believe, that this proposition was received, by many members of that body, with sentiments, akin to horror.

2 Drayton, vol. i., p. 154.

3 Ibid.

4

Ibid., p. 155.

organized, adjourned to the chamber of the Commons House of Assembly.'

6

2

Rutledge was elected a member of the Provincial Congress, as that body styled itself, for the Parish of Christ-Church. His colleagues to the Continental Congress were also returned as members, from other districts of the colony. The province will not be able to account for our conduct until we explain it,' Edward Rutledge had written from Philadelphia. He had not misconceived the necessity for justification and defence. The exception in favor of rice, in the non-exportation agreement, 'had created an alarming disunion throughout the whole colony; in consequence of which, the representatives had met with jealous feelings on the subject.'' By that agreement, it was stipulated, that after the 10th of September, 1775, the colonies would neither directly nor indirectly export any merchandize or commodity whatsoever to Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies, except rice to Europe. This vagueness of expression was calculated to mislead, and was doubtless employed with the intent to mislead the public, as to the real import and effect of the exception. One would naturally suppose, from the language of the article, that rice might be exported to any part of Europe, except to Great Britain and Ireland. That, however, was not its meaning. The design of the

'On the 19th of December, 1774, Lieutenant-Governor Bull had written to the Earl of Dartmouth that he did not expect anything new in the colony, relative to American discontents, would occur until this meeting in January, when something may, perhaps, be produced, either from some bold dissentient or daring demagogue, with which I shall not fail to acquaint your Lordship, if anything is of consequence enough to deserve your Lordship's notice.' Force's Archives, vol. i., p. 1050. The Lieutenant-Governor, as well as the other crown-officers, must have discerned in this meeting of the representatives, in the chamber of the Assembly, an omen of the speedy overthrow, or attempted overthrow, of all royal authority in the colony.

2 Ante.

3 Drayton, vol. i., p. 168.