black, and has a very large wig of State, when he goes to attend the chair, (with the mace borne before him,) on delivery of speeches, &c. T. Lynch, Esq., spoke like a man of sense, and a patriot; with dignity, fire, and laconism. Mr. Gadsden was plain, blunt, hot, and incorrect, though very sensible. In the course of the debate, he used these very singular expressions, for a member of parliament :- And, Mr. Speaker, if the Governor and Council don't see fit to fall in with us, I say, let the general duty-law, and all, go to the devil, Sir, and we go about our business.' Parsons, J. Rutledge, and Charles Pinckney, Sen., (the three first lawyers in the province,) spoke on the occasion; the two last very good speakers. The members conversed, lolled, and chatted, much like a friendly, jovial society, when nothing of importance was before the House; nay, once or twice, while the Speaker and clerk were busy in writing, the members spoke quite loud across the room to one another—a very unparliamentary appearance. The Speaker put the question sitting; the members gave their votes by rising from their seats; the dissentients did not rise.'1

The year following Quincy's visit to Charleston, a new scene opened upon the colonies; and, in the succeeding chapters, we shall trace the course of Rutledge, amid events of the most interesting character, in stations of grave responsibility, and high command, and see upon what foundation rests the distinguished reputation he enjoyed among his contemporaries, and which history and tradition have transmitted to posterity.

CHAPTER V.

ELECTED A DELEGATE TO CONGRESS.

1774.

A FEW months after the repeal of the Stamp-Act, the Rockingham administration was dismissed. It was succeeded by that heterogeneous cabinet so inimitably described by Burke, in a well-known passage of his speech on American Taxation. At its head was Pitt, now created Earl of Chatham; but his guiding hand was withdrawn by that mysterious sickness that confined him at Hayes nearly the whole period that he held the seals of office. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was the witty, genial, and versatile Charles Townshend. He had almost every great talent, and every little quality. His vanity excelled even his abilities; and his suspicions seemed to make him doubt whether he had any. With such a capacity he must have been the greatest man of his age, and perhaps inferior to no man in any age, had his faults been only in a moderate proportion-in short, if he had had but common truth, common sincerity, common honesty, common modesty, common steadiness, common courage, and common sense.'1

Townshend had advocated and voted for the StampAct. With that versatility of opinion and conduct which gave him the title of the weather-cock, he voted for its repeal. Soon after coming into office, he discovered a

'Lord Orford's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 59. Compare Burke's Sketch. of Townshend, in his speech on American Taxation.

1

total change in the sentiments of Parliament with respect to the repeal. In a giddy moment, without any concert with his colleagues, and to their great astonishment and chagrin, he threw out an intimation that he should bring forward some measure to derive a revenue from America. The project of American taxation had again become popular. The land-tax had been reduced, and the country gentlemen were glad to impose the burden from which they had been relieved, upon the distant colonies, while the partizans of authority were eager to atone for what they deemed the disgrace of the repeal-bill. Townshend was continually urged to perform what was treated as a deliberate engagement. He was forced to act. Accordingly, in May, 1767, a little more than a year after the repeal of the Stamp-Act, he introduced the memorable bill, imposing duties on all glass, lead, painters' colors, tea, and paper, imported into the American provinces.

Townshend's bill was framed on the idea that the Americans would not object to external or port-duties. They were understood to admit the constitutional right of parliament to impose them. That had been the public declaration of Franklin only the year before. Many Americans, who happened to be in London, and were attached to the British connexion, assured the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that if the tax only bore the appearance of port-duties, it would not be objected to. The result showed how widely they mistook the sentiments of their countrymen. The discussions of the time had provoked reflection and inquiry.' The very foundations of parliamentary power had been fearlessly explored. Thinking minds began to doubt the competence of parliament to legislate for the colonies in any case whatsoever. The

'Grafton's MS. Memoirs. Orford's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 36.

2 Lord Orford's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 25, note. Cavendish's Debates, vol. i., p. 213.

Adams's Works, vol. ii., p. 154.

Tea-Act led to an immediate scrutiny of the question whether there was any difference between external and internal taxes. The conclusion was, that while external or port-duties, as a regulation of trade, were admissible, parliament had no power to impose them, as a source of supply. The preamble to the bill stated the latter to be the object of the import; and it became, as might have been foreseen, 'a tax of disputation, a tax of war and rebellion, a tax for anything but benefit to the imposers, or satisfaction to the subject.''

Its fruit was the Boston Port-Bill, which brought the dispute between the colonies and the mother country to a crisis. The intelligence of that act reached Charleston, May 31st, 1774. Here, as elsewhere, it was received with sentiments of indignation and alarm. If New England was subjugated, the evil genius of tyranny, it was said, would soon triumph over the liberties of the whole continent. 'Where gay fields now smile,' was the language of one of the publications, issued on this occasion, 'bedecked in the yellow robe of full-eared harvest, soon would desolation frown over the uncultivated earth. Suns would in vain arise, and in vain would showers descend; for who would be industrious when others would reap the fruit of his labor? After the subjugation of Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, our turn would be

next.' 2

On the 13th of June, the General Committee met, and unanimously agreed to call a meeting of the inhabitants of the colony on the 6th of July, 'to consider of the papers, letters, and resolutions, transmitted to the committee from the Northern colonies; and also of such steps as are necessary to be pursued, in union with the inhabitants of all our sister colonies on this continent, in order to avert the dangers impending over American liberties 2 Force's Archives, (4th series,) vol. i., p. 382, 383.

' Burke.

in general, by the late hostile Act of Parliament against Boston, and other arbitrary measures of the British ministry.''

2

Public notice was immediately given of this action of the committee in the Gazettes; and circular letters were despatched by express to all the leading men throughout the colony, 'to engage their union, assistance, and influence, in their several districts, to attend, either personally, or by deputies authorized to declare their sentiments,' at the general meeting, convened at Charleston. On that occasion, the largest body of the most respectable inhabitants' that had ever been brought together in the colony, assembled at the Exchange in Charleston. Gentlemen of the greatest property and character, notwithstanding the extreme inconvenience of the season, from even the remotest parts of the country, attended.' One hundred and four delegates appeared; but it was determined that whoever came to the meeting, 'and a crowded meeting it was,' might give his vote." The 6th, 7th, and 8th instant,' wrote Miles Brewton to Josiah Quincy, Jun., on the 12th of July, we had the greatest assembly of the inhabitants of this colony I ever

'This meeting of the committee of the colony appears to have been an informal one, at which were present the inhabitants of Charleston. Indeed, Drayton speaks of it as a meeting of the inhabitants of Charleston.' Memoirs, vol. i., p. 112. (See also Ramsay's Revolution of S. C.) But the minute of the proceedings on that occasion shows, that they were conducted by the committee. Vide Force's Archives, (4th series,)

2 Letter from a gentleman in Charleston to his correspondent in New York, June 13th, 1774. Ibid.

Letter from a gentleman in Charleston to a gentleman in Boston, July 11th, 1774. Force's Archives, vol. i., p. 531.

4 Ibid.

5 Drayton's Memoirs, vol. i., p. 120. It was proposed, and agreed to unanimously, that the deputies should be chosen by ballot, and that every free white person residing in the province should be entitled to vote.' Force's Archives, vol. i., p. 532.