they will require, and who will be the victims, are matters beyond the sphere of human prescience. New modes of government, not generally understood, nor, in certain instances, approved; want of moderation and information in the people; want of abilities and rectitude in some of their rulers; a wide field open for the operations of ambition; men raised from low degrees to high stations, and rendered giddy by elevation and the extent of their views; a revolution in private property and in national attachments; laws dictated by the spirit of the times, not the spirit of justice and liberal policy; latitude in principles as well as commerce; suspension of education; fluctuations in manners, public counsels, and moral obligations; indifference to religion, &c., are circumstances that portend evils which much prudence, vigor, and circumspection are necessary to prevent or control. To me, there appears reason to expect a long storm and difficult navigation. Calm repose and the sweets of undisturbed retirement appear more distant than a peace with Britain. It gives me pleasure, however, to reflect that the period is approaching when we shall become citizens of a better-ordered State; and the spending a few troublesome years of our eternity in doing good to this and future generations, is not to be avoided nor regretted. Things will come right, and these States will be great and flourishing. The dissolution of our Government threw us into a political chaos. Time, wisdom, and perseverance will reduce it into form, and give it strength, order, and harmony. In this work you are, to speak in the style of one of your professions, a master-builder; and God grant that you may long continue a free and accepted mason.''

'Letter to Washington, April 21st, 1779. Writings of John Jay,

On the 27th day of September, 1779, Mr. Jay was appointed to represent the American States at the Court of Madrid. He had presided over Congress not quite a year; but during that time, by his moderation, prudence, and impartiality, he had conciliated universal esteem, and allayed the spirit of party. May health, success, and every felicity accompany you,' wrote Edmund Pendleton in a letter congratulating him upon his recent appointment, but while I am sensible of the advantages we shall reap from your eminent services there, I have my fears that they will be missed importantly where you now are; and that the spirit of party, almost laid to sleep, will revive upon your absence.'1

In the next chapter we shall contemplate Mr. Jay's services on a new and unaccustomed scene, and trace his course amid the tortuosities of European diplomacy.

'Writings of John Jay, p. 52. October 11th, 1779.

CHAPTER XI.

MINISTER TO SPAIN.

1779-1782.

1

THERE was a difference of opinion among the statesmen of the Revolution, as to the propriety of seeking foreign alliances. Dr. Franklin thought a 'virgin State should preserve the virgin character, and not go about suitoring for alliances, but wait with decent dignity for the application of others.' John Adams, on the contrary, thought it the better policy to solicit alliances, and make themselves known at foreign Courts. The more they know us,' he said, 'the better they will like us.' Franklin was overruled, and the views of Mr. Adams prevailed. In accordance with that policy, ministers were sent to various Courts in Europe, without any assurances that they would be received in character, or, in fact, that they would be received at all. The history of our earlier missions to the Courts of Vienna, Madrid, Berlin, and Florence, would seem to confirm the wisdom of Dr. Franklin's opinion, and serve for all future 'virgin states,' not as a 'pattern to imitate, but as an example to deter.'

The first attempt to open a negotiation with Spain was early in the year 1777, when the commissioners to France deputed Arthur Lee one of their number to that country. After Lee's departure, a commission from Congress to Franklin, as minister to Madrid, was received by the Doctor, together with instructions to propose to the 'Franklin's Works, vol. viii., p. 209.

Court of Spain a treaty of commerce and alliance, similar to the one proposed to France, with the additional clause that if his Catholic Majesty would join with the United States in war against Great Britain, they would assist in reducing to the possession of Spain the town and harbor of Pensacola; provided that the citizens of the United States should have the use of that harbor, as well as the free and uninterrupted navigation of the Mississippi; and would, provided it was true that Portugal had insultingly expelled the vessels of the United States from her ports, or had confiscated any of them, declare war against that power, if that measure should be agreeable to, and supported by, the Courts of France and Spain. And for this purpose, he was authorized to offer the assistance of six frigates, manned, of not less than twenty-four guns, and provisions equal to two millions of dollars.

Dr. Franklin declined this commission, and sent the instructions to Lee, who was then at Burgos. King Charles, though very bitter against the English, was not prepared to wage war against them. To avoid giving umbrage to the British embassy at Madrid, he stopped Lee at Burgos, whither he sent to meet him his leading minister, the Marquis de Grimaldi, and M. Gardoqui, an eminent merchant of Bilboa, who had been long engaged in the American trade. They had several interviews; but, for greater secresy and dispatch, Lee returned to Vittoria, where he was again met by Grimaldi and Gardoqui. These secret negotiations had no other result than the grant of a small sum of money on the part of Spain, which was subsequently transmitted to Lee at Paris, and considerable military stores, which were shipped to the United States from Bilboa.' No pledges

Life of Arthur Lee, vol. i., pp. 79-81. Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. ii. North American Review for 1830, vol. xxi, (N. S.), p. 470.

were given, nor much encouragement held out of future support.

Such was the result of the first attempt on the part of the United States to effect an alliance with Spain. The conduct of that power towards this country during the period embraced by the Revolution, was in striking contrast with the open and liberal policy of France. She was willing to be an instrument in humbling Great Britain, but without going so far as to insure independence to the United States. With a keen appreciation of their own interests, and a sagacious view of the future, the Spanish nation, in general, were of opinion that the Revolution was of bad example to the Spanish colonies and dangerous to Spain, as the United States, if they should become ambitious, and be seized with the spirit of conquest, might aim at Mexico and Peru.' But when Spain saw that independence was inevitable, that it must soon be accomplished, she endeavored to take advantage of the present condition of affairs, the darkness that precedes the dawn, and make important concessions to her, the conditio sine qua non of her rendering any efficient aid. This insight into the views and policy of the Spanish Court will explain the conduct that was observed

Franklin's Works, vol. viii., p. 205, note, 207. Mahon's History of England, vol. vi., p. 149. Secret History of Congress, vol. ii., p. 40. For the first grants, no return was stipulated, but in the course of a few months Lee was informed by Gardoqui that for all aids the Colonies might hereafter receive from his House, remittances of American produce would be expected. The money received by Lee does not appear to have exceeded the sum of 187,500 livres. Mr. Jay, in writing to Franklin from Madrid, October 30th, 1780, says that he had often been told of the former supplies, (i. e., the supplies furnished by Spain,) and asked how they were to be reimbursed. My answer has uniformly been, that I knew neither their amount nor terms, and that I wished to be furnished with an account of both, &c. As yet I have not been able to obtain it.' Writings of Jay, p. 65.

'Adams' Works, vol. iii., p. 234.