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Navy department, a letter from,
on the protection of trade 199;
report of the secretary on the
administration of the navy
280; ships on the stocks 401;
lieutenant Weaver 216; pro-
motions, list of
Negotiations with France 171 to

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369

185, and 203 to 215, 285
Netherlands-loans of money 12;
trade of Flushing and Ostend 56
New-Hampshire-elections 225,
288; meeting of revolutionary
soldiers 322; law about illegi-
timate children
353
New Jersey-election of 1812, 37;
proceedings about the presi-
dential election 113, 135; elec-
tions 160, 162; finances 192;
incorporations 352; Mr. Clin-
ton at Trenton 218; resolutions
to effect an emancipation of the
slaves
New York, (state)-on the pro-
ceedings in respecting the elec-
toral law; see "sovereignty of
the people"; business, pro-
ducts, &c. of the canals 16, 64,
68, 83, 164, 171, 260, 400; "col-
lision of the judges" 17, 28, 43,
158; gen. McClure's letter 23;
of the banks 339; parties in 35,
39, 98, 114, 116, 163; "chemi-
cal" bank 57, 188; Kelp 64; no-
mination of governor 68; Mr.
Young's letter concerning the
electoral law, &c. 114; Mr.
Heyden's address 116; a wolf
hunt 144; elections 162, 187,
216, 217, 224; proceedings
about the election of electors
163, 193; finances 189; resolu-
tions about the licensing of ca-
nal boats 165; common schools
201; wolves killed 352; Mr.
Spencer's report respecting La-
fayette 369; N. York (city) in-
crease and prosperity of 5; des-
tructive fire 160; mechanic and
scientific institution 197; debt-
ors confined 224; the boat race
272; Delaware and Hudson
> canal 336; vessels arrived, the
banks, asylums and prisons 339
Newburg, N. Y. dreadful acci-
dent near to
Newspaper thieves
Niger, the river

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352
269

245
Paraguay, some account of
Parties in the United States; see
"sovereignty of the people"
Penn, William, respect paid to
the memory of
12, 224
Pennsylvania-the election of
electors in 1800, 3; revenues
16, 273; town of Hamburg 48;
hatters of Reading 64; Schuyl-
kill canal 80, 258; elections
148, 255, 272, 336, 416; return
of arms.198; natives of, gover-
nors of other states 217; meet-
ing of the legislature 256; re-
solutions concerning Lafayette
272, 278; finances 276; of the
banks 339; money due for lands
352; turnpike stacks
Pensioners; see congress and
Pepper, cultivation and product
of
304
Perkins, Mr. and his steam en-
gine, various notices 12, 84;
account of his engine, &c. 293
Persia-earthquake at Shiras
Peru-uncertainty of accounts
from 117; battle of Junin 144;
details 152; reported battles
170, 201, 261, 277; Bolivar's ad-
dress 201; Lima 201; naval bat-
tles 260; grand victory over the
royalists
389, 402
Philadelphia-water works, cot-
ton factories, breweries, &c.
&c. 6, 149; small pox at 16;
taxes paid from the city to the
treasury of the state 16; riot at,
caused by the negroes 32; St.
Mary's church 216; anniversa-
ry of Penn's landing celebrat-
ed 224; first troop of cavalry 256
Pinkney, Ninian, dies

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342

80

192

215, 225, 241, 273, 288; see-
congress
Progress of the election-In Maine
161, 215; New Hampshire 161,
185; Massachusetts 161, 185;
Rhode Island 148, 161, 193,
215; Connecticut 160, 161, 185,
215; Vermont 148; New York,
161, 163, 185, 193; New Jer-
sey 113, 135, 161, 186; Penn-
sylvania 160, 161, 186, 194;
Delaware 161, 186, 194; Ma-
ryland 162, 187, 195; Virgi-
nia 160, 162, 187, 215; North
Carolina 187, 196; Georgia 162;
Kentucky 196, 215; Tennessee
196, 216; Ohio 162, 187, 196;
Indiana 197, 215, 225; Illinois
197; Missouri 187, 216, 225;
Mississippi 216; Alabama 216;
Louisiana
216, 241
Press, remarks on the state of the

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Revolutionary general officers 5;
patriots presented to Lafayette
167; soldiers, an interesting
meeting of
Rhode Island-Indian grave open-
ed 64; the proposed constitu-
tion rejected 114, 162; election
of electors 148; riot at Provi-
dence 160; fair at Pawtucket 171
Rich, Charles, dies
160
400 "Richmond party"; see "sove-
reignty of the people"

Charles, dies
Pirates and piracies, 189, 259,
321; measures taken against
them 199; see congress, same
head

Pitkin, Timothy

Plants, enumerations of
Pleasants, James, dies
Plum, large one

55

80 Rio de la Plata-the provinces of;

64

149
55

Porcelain, American
Porter breweries in London
Porter, com.; see Porto Rico; su-
201, 224
perseded 213; correspondence
224
with gov. Vives
402
224 Porto Rico, com. Porter at 226, 261
Portugal-constitution promised
61; intrigues of the 'queen 61,
74, 355; parties at Lisbon 355
Post master general's report on a

North Carolina-Navigation of
the Cape Fear river 112; of the
gold mines in 123, 289; Mr.
Macon 224; extract from the
governor's message 226; elec-
tion of governor 240; the socie-
ty of Friends in 289; cotton
factory at Fayetteville

O'Fallon, major

0.

352

Ohio, (the state)-price of corn
in 123; elections 163, 192,
273; novel disqualification 166;
finances 273; tobacco raised in

151

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389
166

road to New Orleans 279; re-
port on the affairs of his office 282
Post office (the general); interest-
ing exhibit of its affairs 324,
325; circular 341; mail route
between Baltimore and Phila-
delphia
Preservation, remarkable
Presidential election; see "so-
vereignty of the people"; on
the choice of a president 22;
general remarks on the subject
81, 135; votes of the represen-
tatives, &c. 382, 387; progress
of the election 135, 161, 193,

277

list of the governors, cabinets,
&c. 93; minister at Washing-
ton 168, 170; abolition of the
slave trade
Rivers, apparatus for ascending 149
Roads-the Simplon 10; turn-
pikes in Great Britain 56; pro-
posed, from Washington to N.
Orleans
260
Rodney, the late Mr. a notice of
him, and his speech at a dinner
given to him at Buenos Ayres
6; arrival of his family 32
sketch of the life of Mr. R.
and an account of the proceed-
ings that took place on his de-

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190

169

166
135 "Statesman", the, extract from 217
Steam; see "Perkins"; of a steam
coach 23; boats 64, 201; of ac-
cidents to boilers (regulations)
Stevens, Major, the dwarf 192
Stewart, com. his letters respect-
ing certain rumors
Stocks of the United States, pri-
ces of
Storrs, A. his letter on the inte-
rior trade with Mexico 312
Stricker, general
352, 400
Sturt, captain, of the British navy

256

93

Slave trade; see "congress"; pro-
secuted from Brazil
Smyth, gen. A. his discovery! 243
South America, British trade
with 61; interesting memoran-
da of
South Carolina-the law respect-
ing free people of color 242;
correspondence and papers re-
lative thereto, communicated
to the legislature and resolu-
tions 261, 292; resolutions as to
the powers of the constitution
272, 338; appropriation to re-
ceive Lafayette 288; elections
162, 256; resolutions concern-
ing certain from Ohio 292; re-
lative to Mr. Monroe 292, 338
Southern republics 402; see Bri-
tish affairs.

"Sovereignty of the people," a se-
ries of editorial essay 3-No. 1,
1; No. 2, 17; No. 3, 33; No. 4,
49; No. 5, 65; No. 6, 97; the
great circulation of
Spain-pope's bull concerning the
bishops 11; royal councils, &c.

12; revolutionary spirit and
movements 61, 73, 90, 260, 354;
disturbances 170, 341; the uni-
versities 61; the Empecinado
74; banditti 74; French fleet at
Cadiz 74; free masons 74, 341;
Tariffa 90; deplorable condi-
tion of the kingdom 115, 191,
192; arrests 135, 192; titles of
the king 151; of the loans 192,
220; extermination 192; French
troops in 277, 278; oath of

97

21

224

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U.
United States-estimate of the
wealth and annual products of 32

V.

189

Vermont-elections 64, 80, 148;
electors of president 135, 148;
state prison 163; civil list
Virginia-sickness in 16; on the
political policy of the state; see
"Sovereignty of the people";
burning well 151; organization
of the university, &c. 229, 336;
meeting of the legislature 256;
elections 256; meeting in
Prince Edward county 273;
expenses on account of the vi-
sit of Lafayette 339; on the
proposed national road through
354; lead mines
354

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151 Whitney, Mr. inventor of the

Whale fishery, the British

416

cotton gin

55

Wine brewing in London

355

Tobacco raised in Ohio
Travelling, expeditious
Treaty with Colombia 220; with
Russia 323; with Tunis
Treasury report on the commerce
of the United States 124; notice
respecting the 7 per cent stock,
and for a new loan of 5 millions

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Wolf hunt 144; on "the shearing

of a" 168; tamed 416

Wool, used by the hatters at
Reading, Pa

64

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THIRD SERIES.

No. 1-VOL. III.]

BALTIMORE, SEPT. 4, 1824.

THE PAST THE PRESENT-FOR THE FUTURE.

[VOL. XXVII. WHOLE NO. 677

EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY H. NILES, AT $5 PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.

At the commencement of a new editorial year, I have several times stopped to hold a little familiar chat with my readers and friends, in which, without ceremony, the past was examined and the future spoken of: but the great accumulation of business caused by my absence from home, added to the extra labour that always attends the period stated, now forbids that I should indulge myself with that intercourse which has always been so pleasant to myself, and, perhaps, sometimes also profitable. There are one or two things, however, that may be refer

the meeting in February last, and many of those who support the proceedings then had, have my entire respect as gentlemen, and I believe them also as mean ing to do what is politically right; but I think differently, and fear that the spirit of party has cast them into the support of things opposed to the good of the people and the purity of our government-and I am fully persuaded, and do firmly believe, that combinations have been made to dictate and force events, which ought to depend only on the sober judgment and deliberate action of the freemen of the United States. In brief, I cannot divest myself of the opinion, that During the last six months the usual rate of new the principle of the late caucus is as repugnant to the subscriptions has been kept up, and the circulation of principles of the republican party and the interests of the REGISTER has rather increased than diminished, the country, as that of any other meeting on political notwithstanding the voluntary discontinuances have subjects that ever was held by the opponents of that been more numerous than usual. Many have been of-party. The people, almost every where, dislike and defended, because of the support which has been given bounce it, and perseverance in supporting it against to the tariff, and others displeased for the reason their will, is a sufficient reason with me, if hundreds that the congressional caucus has been opposed: and of others were wanting, why the REGISTER pursues one gentleman of Alabama, who has ordered a con- the course that it has, and will partake, more aud plete set of the work, because of some decrease of more, of opposition to management, dictation and subscribers in his neighborhood on account of the lat- force.

ied to.

ter, laughingly says, they think it wrong that you, who Another subject remains to be mentioned, which is have said so much in favor of manufactures in gene-always referred to with reluctance, and so not often ral, should be so much opposed to the making of a pre- urged. It is the state of the accounts between his sident by the members of congress. Well-well; the subscribers and the editor. A very large amount of mocontents of a journal may be compared to the viands placed on the table of an inn, and it may be that every one cannot be pleased-so all that can be required is, to make a gentlemanly payment of the reckoning and depart in peace; and I am sincerely thankful that either party can use its own discretion in the case. And I am confident that perseverance ia doing what a man believes to be right, even though he may be partially mistaken, is more honorable to himself than a temporizing compromising course. I am truly grateful for the great support which this work has received, and shall do what seems to be my duty to preserve it.

ney is due him; so much that it would hardly be believed if he should venture to name the sum; and yet, he frankly confesses, that the means of meeting the ordinary disbursements of the establishment are not always present. The state of the case requires it, and the friends of this work are earnestly requested, to settle for the past, if any thing is due, and remit their advance on account of the new year, with all convenient despatch. After all, this it is that must keep the press a-going. Money is one of the great sinews of printing, as well as of war; and by many doing a lit tle, an aggregate will be made to stimulate and enliven the various and severe labor that belongs to a publication like this. The editor hopes that this will be kindly attended to, and that many new subscribers will give their aid to support him in his, at least, honestly meant support of the welfare of the republic, and in his separation from the countenance or control of any junto, regency or party, except the people's party.

As to the tariff-I had hoped that oppugnation to it would have ceased. The law has passed, after an open and fair discussion before the people, though opposed by many who ought to have been counted on as its friends; and I really believe that its effect will be beneficial to all parts of the United States, because it goes to the establishment of what Mr. Clay happily called an "American policy:" and the time, in my apprehension, is not far off, when further protection for the agricultural interest will be asked for from a THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE-NO. 1. I have quarter in which the tariff is least approved-and deliberately adopted this heading for a short series of then, though so many in that quarter have drawn their essays, because I believe, and feel myself at liberty support from me, I shall stand ready to aid them all that I can. It was only last evening that I received a to express the opinion, that a secret power, unknown letter from a very respectable gentleman of Georgia, to the constitution and to be deprecated by every of which the following is an extract: "Egyptian cotton is now more injurious to the sea island than a half thinking man in the republic, is daringly at work to

a dozen tariffs. The sample I have seen is of equal gather to itself, and exercise for its own benefit, the texture with the best sea island, but not handled so rights which belong to the freemen of the United well. The wool is superior to Orleans. All the fine

wools will lose their value, &c." Yes-with Egypt States, and which cannot be parted with without under a stable government, Greece free, and South yielding the principle contended for by "legitimate America settled down, the tariff will, in part, do for princes" and established priests, that it is they them our cotton-growers what the extra duty on tonnage selves who are appointed to make and expound and and imports have done for our merchants and ship-)

owners, when it shall be fully determined to establish administer the law and the gospel, and possess the fat a reciprocity in dealing between the old world and things they afford, civil and ecclesiastic. new-and this is all that any of us have wished.

As to the caucus-I cannot have any association

It is not the first time that this power has been ex

with it. A large number of the few who attended erted in our country. Under different names, it hath VOL. XXVII.

acted to accomplish the same baleful purpose of ac- might, and continued efforts to obtain and preserve quiring domination. Its seat was once in the east-power, obtains and preserves it; for the people, unit is now in the south. The first clamored that an suspicious of wrong, are too apt to grant to a few the "energetic" government might be built up-that their trouble of thinking for them. It is to this apathy, and partizans should take the chief seats in the synagogue the fatal divisions and foul contentions that have disand be called rabbi-the last talks about liberty, and tracted the great states of New York and Pennsylva"a preservation of the great republican party," that its nia, that "the party" alluded to have been indebted own managers and ministers may direct the affairs of for its mighty ascendancy over the affairs of this nathe nation, and rule the vulgar populace! And thus, tion. Let other states be convulsed as they may, we though the two opposing juntos seemed to have always found Virginia united, [until now], through opposite courses, each desired to accomplish the the management of this party. Men of virtue and same object for itself, and both, to a considerable ex- talents in that state were never fully denounced, tent, attained it, at different periods. The eastern because they happened to be at some variance junto is defunct-but the southern is making a des-with the orthodoxy of Richmond. The present president perate struggle for existence; and its logic, that it of the U. States is a memorable example of this. We is needful to divest the people of their discretion, recollect that he nearly suffered the proscription in as to the management of their own affairs, that the 1808. It was the interposition of Jefferson, and the republican party may be preserved, is just such as a per- great consideration that he was a "Virginian,” which son would use who should recommend the decapita-preserved him in the confidence of his countrymen; tion of a man to relieve him of the tooth-ache. The republican party, when denied or deprived of the right of suffrage, and an unrestricted freedom in the election of those to be placed in authority, may well be compared to a headless trunk, fit only for vermin to feed on, except that there may be a renewal of the "spirit of a man" within the prostrate carcase, with moral and physical power abundant to drive out the worms, and, by exposing them to the light and heat of the sun, reduce them to dust and cause them to be scattered where no man knoweth, by the wholesome breezes of heaven. Such has often been the fate of aspirants in every age-but it is not the habit of such to profit by experience. A renewal of this spirit, and an exertion of this power, is as necessary now as it was in 1800. Names are nothing-but I must acknowledge that I would rather an avowed opponent than a professing friend, should do me wrong, if wrong must be suffered; and, as an old democratic republican, I am vexed that persons should have combined or conspired, under the name of my party, to commit the same acts which we deprecated in what was called the "federal republican" party; being only a change of persens and not of things. I allude particularly to the proceedings had in New York, in which this secret power made itself manifest. But the seat of that power is not in New York. The "executive directory" is at Richmond-and the rest are mere prefects and vernors, viceroys or regents. It is by the system thus established, that the many are managed. The sitting of the caucus may be regarded permanent. Its eye is never closed to what is going on. When it cannot drive, it leads; and when the people will not be led, it divides them and conquers. Address overcomes

go

and, to prevent divisions at home, it was that he receivi ed the support of "the party" it 1816, though they loved him not, as has been shewn in a thousand cases, notwithstanding the popularity of his administration; and now, judging by what we see and hear, this “party," with all its regents and prefects, are bitterly opposed to him. This is evident to all men. It is only his strength with the people, that has saved him—that prevented him from being run down and baited to political death. But the affairs of "the party" are prudently managed. Stratagem and not force, is the means by which it hath generally worked-but, on the present occasion, those means are united; and what management would not effect by a caucus at Washington, was to be accomplished by FORCE at Albany. The time has arrived when the people ought to think deeply and speak freely-they can and will be heard, if they please. As one of them, as an integral part of the republic, I will, at least, raise my feeble voice against this system of management and force, let the consequences be what they may; and, if its tone happen to be in unison with the feelings of my fellow citizens, my labors will not be altogether

in vain.

As editor of the REGISTER, I never have meddled with the politics of any state, nor is it intended at present. But I have long lamented the confused condition of things in New York and Pennsylvania, without entering into the merits of their local quarrels, because they seemingly cast one or the other of them continually into the arms of "the party," and, by the powerful aid of either, that party felt itself pretty certain of success. New York made two struggles, with more or less force, to shake off the domination, *I mean exactly at Richmond, and its neighborhood, nearly breaking down the interest in the other-but in 1812 and 1816, being opposed to one caucus and which has had great influence over Virginia, but no more belongs to the people of the state than its branch, Pennsylvania was with it, and the scales were turned at Albany, belongs to those of the state of New York. in its favor. When, or in what measure of policy, or

rally are-but they take care to keep in the back ground the different circumstances in which the people of those states were placed. It is true, that in Vermont, Delaware, South Carolina, Georgia and

as to the choice of persons, did, "the party" yield any [people the right of suffrage in the election of a prething to Pennsylvania, for the mighty aids which she |sident and vice president of the United States, that afforded? Never-it was the hunting ground of that "the party" has decidedly shewn itself, it may be party, a mere place for game! But the people of this well to examine the proceedings a little, to drive the state have thrown off their trammels and are acting enemy from what is believed to be his strong hold. for themselves, and, even if I disapproved of the They shield themselves mainly under the plea, that, course they have pursued, I should rejoice in the main some other of the states, the electors of president nifestation of resolution, that hereafter Pennsylvania, are appointed instead of being elected, as they genethough she may not aspire to lead, will not longer be led, and much less be driven. The people of New York are with those of Pennsylvania; and, whatever may be the result of the present struggle, it is clear to my mind, that these great states, which together con-Louisiana, as well as in New-York, the electors are tain one fourth of all the citizens of the United States, appointed, and, as I believe, contrary to the constituand possess a yet larger proportion of the wealth and tion; but the fact is, that, in all these states, the members physical power of the nation, will add a moral force to of the legislature are elected only a very short time before their natural strength, that will forbid their being the the period when electors of president must be appointed, and tail-pieces, of any "junto" or "regency" that can be that, therefore, the people have a pretty full opportunity of ever got up. Every body knows how Pennsylvania, speaking their sentiments, through their representatives, (long called, in compliment to her devotion, "the key and the result will generally be the same as if they themstone of the republican arch,") stands as to the mino-selves directly voted for said electors; whereas the members rity caucus held at Washington last winter, though of the legislature of New-York are elected twelve months she was the great patron of "regular nominations." in advance of the period referred to, and do not come fresh Experience had shewn to her that these might be from the people to perform their will—and are subject to corrupt or pernicious, and she rejected the system that intrigue and management, which the constitution of as practised by members of congress in their individual the United States was wisely framed to prevent, in providcapacities!—and, I venture to say, that the last caucus ing that the electors of president should be elected so nearly will ever be the last, until principles and not persons at the same time, that combinations and bargains could not shall direct the holding of a meeting to produce unity easily be made. Besides, and no doubt for the reason of action in the support of measures-that there will above shewn, I do not know that the people of any of be no more of buyings and sellings on account of men. the states so circumstanced, desired the passage of an In New-York, (and I speak from much personal obser-electoral law, except New-York, in which it was made vation and mixture with citizens from most parts of the question in the choice of assemblymen and senathe state), I have no hesitation in saying, that the said tors. And it is easily proved that they of New-York caucus has not many more supporters than in Pennsyl- desired such a law from the fact-that every member vania. I have heard that meeting, and the obedient pro- of the assembly, four or five excepted, voted for it. ceedings of the legislature, spoken of in many nume-If this is not accepted as evidence of what is asrous companies, accidentally assembled, and never serted, we must reach the conclusion, that the vast but once witnessed that both did not meet with un-majority grossly misunderstood the will of their qualified and uncontradicted reprobation, unless when constituents and were a set of blockheads, or actthese measures were sustained by some of the "im-ed hypocritically, depending on the senate to inmortal seventeen" or by the members of the other terpose itself, and save them from the indignation of house, who acted in unison with them. These things appear as hateful to the real republicans of New-York, as the abominable attempt to deprive the people of the U. States of their will, by placing Aaron Burr in the seat of the president, was to them in 1801. And well may it be, for the principle of both is the same-that body, by a vote of 17 to 13, followed the example

built on the possession of power and a disregard for right. "I the king," says the illustrious Ferdinand in his decrees "We have the power," says faction. What difference is there between the two-king Ferdinand and king Caucus? The one is as "legitimate" as the other, and they are first cousins in principle and praclice.

their abused and insulted constituents. They are. thus placed on the horns of a dilemma, and they may elect either that they please. And the result shewed that any might rely on the senate to reject what they, on their obligations, had said ought to be passed-for

of the "Spartan band" in Pennsylvania in 1800, that
the vote of New-York, on the presideney, should not
be according to the will of the people. They did
this, as I heard some of them say, "that the great
that
republican party might be preserved"—that is,
they, the "immortal seventeen," were the republi-
This
can party, and not the freemen of the state.

As it is in New-York, in violently refusing to the language might well have come from the mouth of

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