Navy department, a letter from, 369 185, and 203 to 215, 285 ...... P. 352 245 342 80 192 215, 225, 241, 273, 288; see- Revolutionary general officers 5; Charles, dies Pitkin, Timothy Plants, enumerations of 55 80 Rio de la Plata-the provinces of; 64 149 Porcelain, American North Carolina-Navigation of O'Fallon, major 0. 352 Ohio, (the state)-price of corn 151 389 road to New Orleans 279; re- 277 list of the governors, cabinets, 190 169 166 256 93 Slave trade; see "congress"; pro- "Sovereignty of the people," a se- 12; revolutionary spirit and 97 21 224 U. V. 189 Vermont-elections 64, 80, 148; 151 Whitney, Mr. inventor of the Whale fishery, the British 416 cotton gin 55 Wine brewing in London 355 Tobacco raised in Ohio Wolf hunt 144; on "the shearing of a" 168; tamed 416 Wool, used by the hatters at 64 THIRD SERIES. No. 1-VOL. III.] BALTIMORE, SEPT. 4, 1824. THE PAST THE PRESENT-FOR THE FUTURE. [VOL. XXVII. WHOLE NO. 677 EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY H. NILES, AT $5 PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. At the commencement of a new editorial year, I have several times stopped to hold a little familiar chat with my readers and friends, in which, without ceremony, the past was examined and the future spoken of: but the great accumulation of business caused by my absence from home, added to the extra labour that always attends the period stated, now forbids that I should indulge myself with that intercourse which has always been so pleasant to myself, and, perhaps, sometimes also profitable. There are one or two things, however, that may be refer the meeting in February last, and many of those who support the proceedings then had, have my entire respect as gentlemen, and I believe them also as mean ing to do what is politically right; but I think differently, and fear that the spirit of party has cast them into the support of things opposed to the good of the people and the purity of our government-and I am fully persuaded, and do firmly believe, that combinations have been made to dictate and force events, which ought to depend only on the sober judgment and deliberate action of the freemen of the United States. In brief, I cannot divest myself of the opinion, that During the last six months the usual rate of new the principle of the late caucus is as repugnant to the subscriptions has been kept up, and the circulation of principles of the republican party and the interests of the REGISTER has rather increased than diminished, the country, as that of any other meeting on political notwithstanding the voluntary discontinuances have subjects that ever was held by the opponents of that been more numerous than usual. Many have been of-party. The people, almost every where, dislike and defended, because of the support which has been given bounce it, and perseverance in supporting it against to the tariff, and others displeased for the reason their will, is a sufficient reason with me, if hundreds that the congressional caucus has been opposed: and of others were wanting, why the REGISTER pursues one gentleman of Alabama, who has ordered a con- the course that it has, and will partake, more aud plete set of the work, because of some decrease of more, of opposition to management, dictation and subscribers in his neighborhood on account of the lat- force. ied to. ter, laughingly says, they think it wrong that you, who Another subject remains to be mentioned, which is have said so much in favor of manufactures in gene-always referred to with reluctance, and so not often ral, should be so much opposed to the making of a pre- urged. It is the state of the accounts between his sident by the members of congress. Well-well; the subscribers and the editor. A very large amount of mocontents of a journal may be compared to the viands placed on the table of an inn, and it may be that every one cannot be pleased-so all that can be required is, to make a gentlemanly payment of the reckoning and depart in peace; and I am sincerely thankful that either party can use its own discretion in the case. And I am confident that perseverance ia doing what a man believes to be right, even though he may be partially mistaken, is more honorable to himself than a temporizing compromising course. I am truly grateful for the great support which this work has received, and shall do what seems to be my duty to preserve it. ney is due him; so much that it would hardly be believed if he should venture to name the sum; and yet, he frankly confesses, that the means of meeting the ordinary disbursements of the establishment are not always present. The state of the case requires it, and the friends of this work are earnestly requested, to settle for the past, if any thing is due, and remit their advance on account of the new year, with all convenient despatch. After all, this it is that must keep the press a-going. Money is one of the great sinews of printing, as well as of war; and by many doing a lit tle, an aggregate will be made to stimulate and enliven the various and severe labor that belongs to a publication like this. The editor hopes that this will be kindly attended to, and that many new subscribers will give their aid to support him in his, at least, honestly meant support of the welfare of the republic, and in his separation from the countenance or control of any junto, regency or party, except the people's party. As to the tariff-I had hoped that oppugnation to it would have ceased. The law has passed, after an open and fair discussion before the people, though opposed by many who ought to have been counted on as its friends; and I really believe that its effect will be beneficial to all parts of the United States, because it goes to the establishment of what Mr. Clay happily called an "American policy:" and the time, in my apprehension, is not far off, when further protection for the agricultural interest will be asked for from a THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE-NO. 1. I have quarter in which the tariff is least approved-and deliberately adopted this heading for a short series of then, though so many in that quarter have drawn their essays, because I believe, and feel myself at liberty support from me, I shall stand ready to aid them all that I can. It was only last evening that I received a to express the opinion, that a secret power, unknown letter from a very respectable gentleman of Georgia, to the constitution and to be deprecated by every of which the following is an extract: "Egyptian cotton is now more injurious to the sea island than a half thinking man in the republic, is daringly at work to a dozen tariffs. The sample I have seen is of equal gather to itself, and exercise for its own benefit, the texture with the best sea island, but not handled so rights which belong to the freemen of the United well. The wool is superior to Orleans. All the fine wools will lose their value, &c." Yes-with Egypt States, and which cannot be parted with without under a stable government, Greece free, and South yielding the principle contended for by "legitimate America settled down, the tariff will, in part, do for princes" and established priests, that it is they them our cotton-growers what the extra duty on tonnage selves who are appointed to make and expound and and imports have done for our merchants and ship-) owners, when it shall be fully determined to establish administer the law and the gospel, and possess the fat a reciprocity in dealing between the old world and things they afford, civil and ecclesiastic. new-and this is all that any of us have wished. As to the caucus-I cannot have any association It is not the first time that this power has been ex with it. A large number of the few who attended erted in our country. Under different names, it hath VOL. XXVII. acted to accomplish the same baleful purpose of ac- might, and continued efforts to obtain and preserve quiring domination. Its seat was once in the east-power, obtains and preserves it; for the people, unit is now in the south. The first clamored that an suspicious of wrong, are too apt to grant to a few the "energetic" government might be built up-that their trouble of thinking for them. It is to this apathy, and partizans should take the chief seats in the synagogue the fatal divisions and foul contentions that have disand be called rabbi-the last talks about liberty, and tracted the great states of New York and Pennsylva"a preservation of the great republican party," that its nia, that "the party" alluded to have been indebted own managers and ministers may direct the affairs of for its mighty ascendancy over the affairs of this nathe nation, and rule the vulgar populace! And thus, tion. Let other states be convulsed as they may, we though the two opposing juntos seemed to have always found Virginia united, [until now], through opposite courses, each desired to accomplish the the management of this party. Men of virtue and same object for itself, and both, to a considerable ex- talents in that state were never fully denounced, tent, attained it, at different periods. The eastern because they happened to be at some variance junto is defunct-but the southern is making a des-with the orthodoxy of Richmond. The present president perate struggle for existence; and its logic, that it of the U. States is a memorable example of this. We is needful to divest the people of their discretion, recollect that he nearly suffered the proscription in as to the management of their own affairs, that the 1808. It was the interposition of Jefferson, and the republican party may be preserved, is just such as a per- great consideration that he was a "Virginian,” which son would use who should recommend the decapita-preserved him in the confidence of his countrymen; tion of a man to relieve him of the tooth-ache. The republican party, when denied or deprived of the right of suffrage, and an unrestricted freedom in the election of those to be placed in authority, may well be compared to a headless trunk, fit only for vermin to feed on, except that there may be a renewal of the "spirit of a man" within the prostrate carcase, with moral and physical power abundant to drive out the worms, and, by exposing them to the light and heat of the sun, reduce them to dust and cause them to be scattered where no man knoweth, by the wholesome breezes of heaven. Such has often been the fate of aspirants in every age-but it is not the habit of such to profit by experience. A renewal of this spirit, and an exertion of this power, is as necessary now as it was in 1800. Names are nothing-but I must acknowledge that I would rather an avowed opponent than a professing friend, should do me wrong, if wrong must be suffered; and, as an old democratic republican, I am vexed that persons should have combined or conspired, under the name of my party, to commit the same acts which we deprecated in what was called the "federal republican" party; being only a change of persens and not of things. I allude particularly to the proceedings had in New York, in which this secret power made itself manifest. But the seat of that power is not in New York. The "executive directory" is at Richmond-and the rest are mere prefects and vernors, viceroys or regents. It is by the system thus established, that the many are managed. The sitting of the caucus may be regarded permanent. Its eye is never closed to what is going on. When it cannot drive, it leads; and when the people will not be led, it divides them and conquers. Address overcomes go and, to prevent divisions at home, it was that he receivi ed the support of "the party" it 1816, though they loved him not, as has been shewn in a thousand cases, notwithstanding the popularity of his administration; and now, judging by what we see and hear, this “party," with all its regents and prefects, are bitterly opposed to him. This is evident to all men. It is only his strength with the people, that has saved him—that prevented him from being run down and baited to political death. But the affairs of "the party" are prudently managed. Stratagem and not force, is the means by which it hath generally worked-but, on the present occasion, those means are united; and what management would not effect by a caucus at Washington, was to be accomplished by FORCE at Albany. The time has arrived when the people ought to think deeply and speak freely-they can and will be heard, if they please. As one of them, as an integral part of the republic, I will, at least, raise my feeble voice against this system of management and force, let the consequences be what they may; and, if its tone happen to be in unison with the feelings of my fellow citizens, my labors will not be altogether in vain. As editor of the REGISTER, I never have meddled with the politics of any state, nor is it intended at present. But I have long lamented the confused condition of things in New York and Pennsylvania, without entering into the merits of their local quarrels, because they seemingly cast one or the other of them continually into the arms of "the party," and, by the powerful aid of either, that party felt itself pretty certain of success. New York made two struggles, with more or less force, to shake off the domination, *I mean exactly at Richmond, and its neighborhood, nearly breaking down the interest in the other-but in 1812 and 1816, being opposed to one caucus and which has had great influence over Virginia, but no more belongs to the people of the state than its branch, Pennsylvania was with it, and the scales were turned at Albany, belongs to those of the state of New York. in its favor. When, or in what measure of policy, or rally are-but they take care to keep in the back ground the different circumstances in which the people of those states were placed. It is true, that in Vermont, Delaware, South Carolina, Georgia and as to the choice of persons, did, "the party" yield any [people the right of suffrage in the election of a prething to Pennsylvania, for the mighty aids which she |sident and vice president of the United States, that afforded? Never-it was the hunting ground of that "the party" has decidedly shewn itself, it may be party, a mere place for game! But the people of this well to examine the proceedings a little, to drive the state have thrown off their trammels and are acting enemy from what is believed to be his strong hold. for themselves, and, even if I disapproved of the They shield themselves mainly under the plea, that, course they have pursued, I should rejoice in the main some other of the states, the electors of president nifestation of resolution, that hereafter Pennsylvania, are appointed instead of being elected, as they genethough she may not aspire to lead, will not longer be led, and much less be driven. The people of New York are with those of Pennsylvania; and, whatever may be the result of the present struggle, it is clear to my mind, that these great states, which together con-Louisiana, as well as in New-York, the electors are tain one fourth of all the citizens of the United States, appointed, and, as I believe, contrary to the constituand possess a yet larger proportion of the wealth and tion; but the fact is, that, in all these states, the members physical power of the nation, will add a moral force to of the legislature are elected only a very short time before their natural strength, that will forbid their being the the period when electors of president must be appointed, and tail-pieces, of any "junto" or "regency" that can be that, therefore, the people have a pretty full opportunity of ever got up. Every body knows how Pennsylvania, speaking their sentiments, through their representatives, (long called, in compliment to her devotion, "the key and the result will generally be the same as if they themstone of the republican arch,") stands as to the mino-selves directly voted for said electors; whereas the members rity caucus held at Washington last winter, though of the legislature of New-York are elected twelve months she was the great patron of "regular nominations." in advance of the period referred to, and do not come fresh Experience had shewn to her that these might be from the people to perform their will—and are subject to corrupt or pernicious, and she rejected the system that intrigue and management, which the constitution of as practised by members of congress in their individual the United States was wisely framed to prevent, in providcapacities!—and, I venture to say, that the last caucus ing that the electors of president should be elected so nearly will ever be the last, until principles and not persons at the same time, that combinations and bargains could not shall direct the holding of a meeting to produce unity easily be made. Besides, and no doubt for the reason of action in the support of measures-that there will above shewn, I do not know that the people of any of be no more of buyings and sellings on account of men. the states so circumstanced, desired the passage of an In New-York, (and I speak from much personal obser-electoral law, except New-York, in which it was made vation and mixture with citizens from most parts of the question in the choice of assemblymen and senathe state), I have no hesitation in saying, that the said tors. And it is easily proved that they of New-York caucus has not many more supporters than in Pennsyl- desired such a law from the fact-that every member vania. I have heard that meeting, and the obedient pro- of the assembly, four or five excepted, voted for it. ceedings of the legislature, spoken of in many nume-If this is not accepted as evidence of what is asrous companies, accidentally assembled, and never serted, we must reach the conclusion, that the vast but once witnessed that both did not meet with un-majority grossly misunderstood the will of their qualified and uncontradicted reprobation, unless when constituents and were a set of blockheads, or actthese measures were sustained by some of the "im-ed hypocritically, depending on the senate to inmortal seventeen" or by the members of the other terpose itself, and save them from the indignation of house, who acted in unison with them. These things appear as hateful to the real republicans of New-York, as the abominable attempt to deprive the people of the U. States of their will, by placing Aaron Burr in the seat of the president, was to them in 1801. And well may it be, for the principle of both is the same-that body, by a vote of 17 to 13, followed the example built on the possession of power and a disregard for right. "I the king," says the illustrious Ferdinand in his decrees "We have the power," says faction. What difference is there between the two-king Ferdinand and king Caucus? The one is as "legitimate" as the other, and they are first cousins in principle and praclice. their abused and insulted constituents. They are. thus placed on the horns of a dilemma, and they may elect either that they please. And the result shewed that any might rely on the senate to reject what they, on their obligations, had said ought to be passed-for of the "Spartan band" in Pennsylvania in 1800, that As it is in New-York, in violently refusing to the language might well have come from the mouth of |