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Adams American appeared appointment argued argument attack authority Bank become believe Bench bill Buren cause character Chief Justice Circuit claims Clay commerce Cong Congress considered Constitution contract corporations counsel dangerous Daniel decided decision Democratic doctrine duty effect equally Executive exercise existence expressed fact favor fear Federal feel finally Georgia give given Government held House important influence interest involved issue Jackson John Judge Story judgment judicial Judiciary July jurisdiction Kentucky later lawyer legislation Legislature letter March Marshall McLean ment mind never nomination North noted Ohio opinion party passed persons political position Post present President principles question reason regarded rendered respect Senate Sess slavery slaves South speech statute Supreme Court Taney Term tion tribunal Union United views Virginia Washington Webster Whig whole Wirt wrote York
第 67 頁 - Commerce, undoubtedly, is traffic, but it is something more, — it is intercourse. It describes the commercial intercourse between nations, and parts of nations, in all its branches, and is regulated by prescribing rules for carrying on that intercourse.
第 238 頁 - But it is universally understood, it is a part of the history of the day, that the great revolution which established the constitution of the United States was not effected without immense opposition. Serious fears were extensively entertained that those powers, which the patriot statesmen, who then watched over the interests of our country, deemed essential to union, and to the attainment of those invaluable objects for which union was sought, might be exercised in a manner dangerous to liberty....
第 243 頁 - States; each of which may have its local usages, cuetoms, and common law. There is no principle which pervades the Union, and has the authority of law, that is not embodied in the Constitution or laws of the Union. The common law could be made a part of our Federal system, only by legislative adoption.
第 306 頁 - But the object and end of all government is to promote the happiness and prosperity of the community by which it is established; and it can never be assumed that the government intended to diminish its power of accomplishing the end for which it was created.
第 509 頁 - ... regulate commerce embraces a vast field, containing not only many but exceedingly various subjects, quite unlike in their nature; some imperatively demanding a single uniform rule, operating equally on the commerce of the United States in every port; and some, like the subject now in question, as imperatively demanding that diversity which alone can meet the local necessities of navigation.
第 154 頁 - It may be doubted whether any of the evils proceeding from the feebleness of the Federal Government contributed more to that great revolution which introduced the present system than the deep and general conviction that commerce ought to be regulated by Congress. It is not, therefore, matter of surprise that the grant should be as extensive as the mischief, and should comprehend all foreign commerce and all commerce among the states.
第 371 頁 - States, or of any one of them, for or on account of any act done or omitted under any alleged right, title, authority, privilege, protection, or exemption...
第 111 頁 - An opinion is huddled up in conclave, perhaps by a majority of one, delivered as if unanimous, and with the silent acquiescence of lazy or timid associates, by a crafty chief judge, who sophisticates the law to his mind, by the turn of his own reasoning.
第 219 頁 - It is as much the duty of the house of representatives, of the senate and of the president to decide upon the constitutionality of any bill or resolution which may be presented to them for passage or approval, as it is of the supreme judges when it may be brought brought before them for judicial decision. The opinion of the judges has no more authority over congress than the opinion of congress has over the judges, and, on that point, the president is independent of both.
第 491 頁 - The genius and character of our institutions are peaceful, and the power to declare war was not conferred upon Congress for the purposes of aggression or aggrandizement, but to enabl'e the general government to vindicate by arms, if it should become necessary, its own tights and the rights of its citizens.