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(Preached on occafion of the Rebellion in Scotland in 1745.)

TRUST IN GOD, AND EXERTION OF COURAGE, OUR DUTY IN TIMES OF NATIONAL DANGER.

2 SAM. X. 12.

Be of good courage, and let us play the men for our people, and for the cities of our God: And the Lord do that which Seemeth him good.

MANY of you, I hope, remember, that I difcourfed to you

upon these words a year and seven months ago*; when God, for our fins, threatened us first, with what, for the continuance of them, he hath at length permitted to fall on part of this land. The renewal, and nearer approach, of the fame danger, requires a more earnest inculcating of the fame exhortations. For perhaps we may now lay to heart the things we did not then. It is very true, the pulpit ought never to be prophaned, and I truft never hath been, or shall by me, to ferve the purposes of party-intereft; or intermeddle with any points of a political nature, about which the friends of their country, that think at all, can poffibly be of different opinions. But the present is a common cause, affecting every one of us, without distinction, in what is most important to us; and God forbid, that the minifters of the gospel should be either unwilling or affraid to speak, when his providence calls to them fo loudly, to lift up their voice. Should the ftorm, which is now beating on many of our fellow-fubjects, be difperfed by

February 26. 1743-4

infinite

infinite goodness ever so soon and fo entirely, without reaching us; it may yet be of unfpeakable ufe, to have made the proper reflections and refolutions, whilft it was approaching towards us. And should the Almighty fuffer us to feel it, as we have well deserved, nothing, but thinking and behaving rightly under his judgments, can give us hope of his mercy to moderate and fhorten them.

Now whatever is requifite for these ends, is clearly comprehended in the words of the text; which bring naturally to our thoughts the three following particulars.

I. The interefts we have at stake. Our people, and the cities of our God.

II. The spirit which we ought to fhew in defending them. Be of good courage, and let us play the men.

III. The humble dependance on heaven, which we ought to exercise at the fame time. And the Lord do that which

feemeth him good.

I. The interests we have at stake. Our people and the cities of our God in other words, our civil rights and our religion.

The defence of their perfons and poffeffions against lawless power, and the fecure enjoyment of the means of happiness here and hereafter, were the great motives, that induced men to fubmit originally to government. And every particular government is good or bad, as it anfwers or fails of answering these purposes. Now in our own, as it stands at present, our liberties are greater than those of any other nation upon earth: we enjoy them fo fully, that we abuse them beyond example; and, I believe, no one perfon amongst us, of knowledge and confideration, doth or can suspect our king of having the least defign to infringe any branch of them. The private property of the very meaneft is as fafe from the violence and oppreffion of the greatest, as good laws and an impartial execution of them can be hoped to make it. And for the public burthens we labour under, we have laid them on ourselves, by reprefentatives of our own choice, for uses, which we and our fathers, very justly in the main, thought neceffary: In particular, for the most important use of securing the nation, from time to time, against the mischief that now once more hangs

over

over us; which if we at last get rid of, all we have spent is well laid out; and if we submit to, all is thrown away.

Still, there may doubtlefs have been faults committed, in relation both to these and other matters. But then, part of the faults commonly charged may be imaginary; for we are all as fallible, as thofe whom we blame; and few of us in fo good a fituation for judging. Part may be of finall confequence; and therefore no ground for any great resentment. Part may have arisen from our own misconduct, as much, if not more, than from that of our fuperiors. Part again may have proceeded from excufable mistakes or infirmities of theirs; for which, as we need allowance in ourselves, we should make allowance in others; especially in princes, for the same reason as in parents; and to a fit degree in thofe also that are employed by them. But whencefoever apprehended grievances may have come, we have legal, conftitutional, peaceable means for redreffing them, with uncontrolled liberty to use thofe means, if we will. And suppose they have not operated fo fpeedily or fo effectually as we may with, yet if force may be used instead of them, upon every failure or delay, especially when caufed merely by difference of opinions amongst ourselves, no fociety can ever fubfift. And if we are too corrupt a people, to expect any good from mutual perfuafion; much lefs can we expect it from mutual vio lence.

Then, laftly, as for our religion; the leaft valued, I fear, yet infinitely the most valuable of all our bleflings; and which guards and fences the reft, in a manner that nothing else can: our religion, I fay, is undeniably the most rational and worthy of God, the most humane and beneficial to men, the fur, theft from being either tyrannical or burdenfome, the freeft from fuperftition, enthufiafm, and gloominefs, of any in the world. It is established with fuch care, that the fupport of it is infeparable from that of the civil government; yet happily with fuch moderation, as to bear hard on none who diffent from it. The practice of it indeed, we must own, hath not been inforced on its profeffors, fo generally or fo carefully as it ought, either by the authority or the example of those, whofe duty it is. Would to God it had! God grant it may ! But ftill, they, who have not duly excited men to piety, have

not reftrained them from it: and every one's difregard to it is principally chargeable on himself alone.

This I apprehend to be a true and a modest account of our present condition: for I have put the advantages of it at the lowest, in order to fay nothing that can be difputed. And what are we to charge it for, if the attempt now making fhould fucceed? Indeed what have we to expect before it can fucceed, (for every one must be convinced, that it will not be tamely fubmitted to), but a wide and horrid view, in proportion as it makes a progrefs of bloodshed, in the field and out of it, and of ravage at the pleafure of a rude and uncivilized people, to the imminent hazard of every thing, and every perfon, dear to us? Judgments which this ifland hath been long without experiencing; but how long, and bow heavily it may groan under them now, unless a speedy check be given to this rebellion, God only knows. For a conquering enenry, had he the will, which is dreadful to truft to, hath often not the power of reftraining the defolations of fire and sword, when once they are begun.

But fuppofe this beginning of forrows over, what must follow?

With regard to our civil concerns, how large numbers are there, who have no other fecurity for a confiderable part, it may be the moft, or the whole of their property, than the continuance of the government now in being; in whofe hands it actually is? And fhould that government fail, as it cannot be hoped, that what hath been lent for its fupport, and proved one of its main fupports, will be regarded very favourably by thofe who come to overturn it, how terrible may the diftreffes of fuch perfons be, and how much farther than themselves muft they extend? To all their domeftics, all their dependants, all that have dealings or concerns with them. What multitudes are there again, whofe fortunes are entirely, or principally, built on royal grants, judicial determinations, or acts of the legislature, made within the last fix and fifty years? which, in cafe of a change, will all become questionable, as done by incompetent authority, and lie at the mercy of we know not whom. The perfon, who now threatens us, comes attended with a large and an indigent train of followers, collected from each of the three nations, who will think, and do VOL. III. their

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their utmost to make him think, that the long fufferings of many of them, and the prefent dangerous fervices of many more, can never be rewarded with fufficient bounty. And when revenge, and poverty, and avarice, are fet on work together, what forfeitures way be claimed, what misdemeanors and treafons charged in a nation, which will be looked on as the whole of it involved in treafon for fo many years paft; cr how unfairly the plaineft laws in our favour may be interpreted to admit of fuch attempts, or even wrefted to ferve them; which of us all can fo much as guefs, or who can be affured of his own fafety?

But befides these hazards to the properties and the lives of particular persons, in what flate will the commerce and poffeffions of the nation be? Think what innumerable debts the pretender to his majefty's crown muft needs have contracted in fo long a space, during which he hath had nothing of his own to fubfift on: think what immenfe fums foreign princes may charge on account of most expensive wars, which they may plead were begun or carried on for his fervice; and how dreadfully this nation may be exhausted, to fatisfy but a fmall part of thefe demands; for which it will make no amends, to annihilate the prefent incumbrances on our public revenues, by a ruinous breach of the public faith. Think alfo, once more, what fatal conceffions the powers who fupport the prefent invafion, and who will be wanted for a continual fupport, even were it to fucceed; what fatal conceifions they will affuredly require in return, of places on which our trade depends, of indulgences in trade to themselves, of reftrictions upon us; which will reduce us to a condition impotent, precarious, and despicable.

I fay not this, or any thing, to raise in you a spirit of unchristian bitterness, either against the ignorant wretches that have been deluded into this rebellion, or even against their leaders. Let them be judged of with all the charity, let them be treated with all the mercy, which their cafe will poffibly allow; only let us fee the mifchief, that their fuccefs would bring on us, and exert ourfelves accordingly to prevent it.

But were we ever so safe in other refpects, what fecurity can we have with refpect to our happy, envied, legal conftitution; when that power of fufpending and difpenfing with

laws,

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