in the management of a negotiation, be wholly left to their own discretion. They do not simply execute the will of their master, but, by their wisdom, form and model it also." Precepts like these indicate how special and limited comparatively the function of the diplomate was of old. Now it includes much voluntary service, and is subject to generous interpretation, owing to the social and scientific range it has attained. The courtly smile, the sagacious nod, the contravention, conciliation, and concealment associated with the office, are no longer essential, and the snuff-box, parchment, and ribbon have little symbolic meaning. Beyond and often above his specific duties, the ambassador of our day is expected to furnish his country with facts of interest in every sphere of knowledge, to represent not merely authority but culture, and to illustrate, in his own person and influence, progress and the arts of peace as well as the dicta of Power. More or less of this genial ministry has been always recognized. Hence men of letters and science are wisely selected, for the double purpose of doing honor to their country's reputation and enjoying the best opportunity for research and observation. In English literature many illustrious names are associated with these appointments, from those of Sir Kenelm Digby to Addison, and from Sir William Temple to Mackintosh, Sir Henry Bulwer, and Sir Francis Head. It is incalculable what indirect, but none the less memorable, influence such a foreign representative as Baron Bunsen may exert; the prestige and even the official service being subordinate to the social mission. And a recent English writer has well said that "to know thoroughly the history, literature, and politics of different countries, so far as the length of their residences in each permits, has become the ideal of diplomatists of the new school." Such an exercise of the authority and improvement of the opportunities incident to the diplomatic career elevates it as a medium of civilization and a mission of humanity; the life of nations is thus

made to nourish the sentiment of brotherhood, to promote the cause of science, and to weave alliances from the "records of the mind"; it accords with the benign aspirations and responds to the latent appeals of intelligence, culture, and character; and, when associated with benevolent sympathies and high convictions, renders the national representative a social benefactor. Bunsen, when ambassador at Rome, became a disciple of Niebuhr, and was one of the few to appreciate and encourage Leopardi; and, in England, he was the ally of Arnold and Hare; ostensibly a Prussian envoy, in reality he was an apostle of knowledge, freedom, and truth, ever intent upon diffusing the eternal elements of progress and humanity, by the magnetic earnestness and noble spirit of a Christian scholar; and in his quality of ambassador he did not regard himself, according to the sarcastic definition of Sir Henry Wotton, as one "sent to lie abroad for his country."

The foreign representatives of nations to-day are social rather than selfish agents, purveyors of knowledge, ministers of civilization, auspicious to their own, without being antagonistic to alien, nationalities. Their office is urbane, their spirit cosmopolitan; and if intrepid in the performance of national duty, they are none the less genial in the observances of international courtesy. The "smooth barbarity of courts" and the "insolence of office" are not indeed extinct; but the ameliorations of modern society have harmonized and humanized them. Vast mutual interests have developed in the consciousness, and are recognized in the foreign policy, of nations; and the history, the position, the resources, and the destiny of the United States give them a prominence and a part therein too evident to be ignored. Unfortunately, many of our members of Congress are men of purely local affinities, devoid of the comprehensive views born of travel and culture, and therefore prone to treat with indifference and ignorance the diplomatic interests of the government,— apparently unconscious of their renewed

importance to the national dignity and honor, and their social necessity and possible clevation and utility.

In

When an important treaty is negotiated, a national right vindicated, the country honored by the conduct or influence of her representative abroad, or even an American citizen protected when in peril of life, liberty, or property, in a foreign country, these legislators acknowledge that an efficient and respected agent of the Republic abroad is very useful and desirable; that his salary is a profitable investment, and his office no sinecure. But, apart from these exceptional occasions, they are apt to regard foreign missions as the best sphere for economical experiments, - as a branch of the government rather ornamental than requisite, and chiefly valuable as affording convenient means of rewarding partisan services. deed, this latter abuse of a class of appointments which, more than any other, should be based on disinterested motives, regulated by absolute considerations of capacity and character, has brought our diplomatic service into disrepute. During the war for the Union, when so much depended on the intelligence and patriotism of our foreign representatives, when the national honor was assailed, and treason to the flag stalked, with arrogant front, through the aristocratic ranks of Europe, the nation felt to her heart's core the vital necessity of selecting for these duties and dignities men of honor, ability, and national sentiment; such men, indeed, saved the country at that memorable crisis, and their services endear their names, and should permanently exalt their office, to the American heart.

--

One who has been a wanderer on the face of the earth, who has known what it is to be alone in a foreign land, learns to appreciate the signal benefit of citizenship when he encounters the flag or escutcheon of his country, and experiences the protection and advantages afforded by an accredited agent of her authority. Especially in every exigency and vicissitude he finds support and

defence in this representative of his nation; when sick and alone, or when grasped by the power of an alien government, or when desirous of promoting an enterprise, or exploring a region, or searching the arcana of Nature or the archives of History, or forming responsible social relations, in all the varied occasions when he needs official sanction or social indorsement, there is one spot as sacred to his rights as his native soil, one friend upon whom he has a legitimate claim, one watchword that enables him to assert his individuality and exercise his birthright. And there are circumstances incident to every stranger's lot, and every absentee's interest, when the embassy of his country becomes a sanctuary, a court of justice, or a shrine before which the marriage vow, the funeral rite, or the weekly worship have the hallowed influence, if not the local associations, of home. In times of war he seeks and finds security beneath the recognized and respected flag of his native land; his nationality has a significance never before realized, for it is upheld and guarded by the law of nations; and, when adequately and worthily represented, links him, by a permanent and powerful agency, to all the honors and privileges of his country.

Much of the usefulness of diplomatic relations is negative, the advantages whereof are not like those of official duties nearer home, constantly recorded and announced; obligations thus conferred on the citizen often have no testimony but that of private gratitude, and hence inexperienced legislators are apt to ignore them. Yet many a pilgrim never knows how much of love and pride are associated with the land of his birth, how much of latent patriotism glows in his heart, until such faraway tribute and triumph are accorded by the deference of foreign governments, and enjoyed by the errant children of his own. This personal gratification is, however, but an incidental good, compared to the prestige, the consideration, and the influence thus obtained for a nation, the facilities of intercourse, the

advancement of mutual interests, the desirable knowledge and faith propagated by intelligent and faithful representative agents. Herein the social amelioration of the world has a civic demonstration; the brotherhood of man is recognized as a political fact, the supremacy of law is illustrated as a cosmopolitan principle, and the primitive virtue of hospitality rises to national significance. In this broad and social light, Diplomacy is a great element of Civilization; and just in proportion as our country is exempt from the dynastic necessities which have dwarfed and perverted it in Europe, is she bound, in the interests of freedom and education, to contribute generously and graciously thereto.

And this conviction suggests the necessity of a more liberal provision for our diplomatic system, which is due to the honor of a vast and prosperous country, to a just American pride, to the increased costliness of living and entertainment abroad. It has long been a matter of publicity, that the leading missions of the United States can, with the present salaries, be filled only by men of large private means; in those of the second class the salaries are rarely equal to the expenses. It is a paltry economy, unworthy a great nation, to deny foreign representatives the means to maintain their households with dignity and comfort, or to exercise a liberal hospitality. Whatever places them on a basis inferior to that of their brother diplomates should be deprecated by every true patriot. If represented at all, let our nation be represented in no niggardly fashion; without extravagance or ostentation, but, at least, in that refined and prosperous style which should characterize a people in whom self-respect is engendered by freedom and industry; otherwise we pay an equivocal compliment to the government with whom we exchange the amenities of official intercourse. On the same principle, the absurd cavillings in regard to diplomatic costume should be ignored by virtue of the law of courtesy prescribed in our instrucVOL. XXI. NO. 132.

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tions to envoys, that, in matters of etiquette, the minister, chargé, or consul shall conform to the customs of the court or country to which he is accredited; it is simply vulgar to insist on intruding one's idea of dress, as a guest, in the face of precedent.

An American sojourning along the shores of the Mediterranean, thirty years ago, had a memorable experience of the incongruities of our diplomatic system. At one post he found a gentleman of alien birth exercising consular functions, with hospitable courtesy, merely to enjoy the opportunities thus secured of frequent association with the citizens of a land he honored and loved. At another the intemperate habits or ignorant assumption of a consul of native birth made him blush for his citizenship; while, as he looked from a consular mansion on the destructive feats of a Sicilian mob, goaded to revolution by pestilence, ascribed, in their savage ignorance, to wells poisoned by their rulers, or walked amid the batteries of a British fort, side by side with his nation's official representative, a glow of pride and a consciousness of security under the honored flag of his distant home made him realize, as never before, its auspicious significance. But too often such honest elation was subdued by the contrast between the intelligent efficiency, the personal accomplishments, and the thorough fitness of the other members of the diplomatic corps and our own. If the necessity of reform was then so apparent, it is infinitely more so now, when the standard of official culture is higher, the number of our errant countrymen so much larger, and the fusion of states, as well as social interests, so continuous and prevalent, as to make enlightened and humanitarian diplomatists the vanguard in the "federation of the world."

It requires no elaborate argument to prove that the normal benefits and the legitimate utility of Diplomacy, in the actual condition of the world, depends mainly upon the character and equipment of national representatives. What

ever may have been the requisites of the past, those of the present are obvious. Probity, knowledge, and patriotism are essential qualifications; a certain sympathy with liberal studies, and some grace of manner and accomplishment of mind, are indispensable. Historical acquisitions, in order to be en rapport with previous relations, selfrespect, and broad views are implied in such a position. "Steady and impartial observation, free though cautious correspondence, friendly, social relations with the members of the diplomatic body at the place of residence," are designated in the regular instructions to envoys; and the duty is prescribed of "transmitting such information relating to the government, finances, commerce, arts, sciences, and condition of the countries where they reside as they may deem useful." Such functions are only possible for men of education, judgment, industry, and tact; and to secure these, the system should be progressive. The superiority of European diplomats is owing to their vocation being a recognized official career with grades, advancement, and preparation, as well as permanence assured.

Legal and lin

guistic training and social efficiency are more than ever desirable. Lord Clarendon has shown that the importance of the diplomatic branch of government has increased within the last decade; that its standard has risen, and its capabilities grown with the progress of science and society; and the time has arrived when its higher claims should be practically realized in our country.

The needed reforms and the argument therefor are clearly stated by the representative in Congress who advocated and reported the bill to "regulate the civil service of the United States, and promote the efficiency thereof. A brief extract will illustrate his reasoning:

"We see at every change of administration over fifty thousand persons removed from office to make way for others of a different partisan creed, every one of whom will owe his ap

pointment to something other than personal merit. And again, all these are liable to be removed, and a similar class of successors appointed, at the next change of party. next change of party. If patriotism. ever prompted the desire for office, such a system would tend to eradicate that sentiment. It tends to weaken all the obligations of society for the purpose of strengthening a mere party; it elevates private interests above the welfare of the state; it tends to disintegrate the political fabric; and at last, as we have felt in our bitter experience, it destroys allegiance itself. That element which invigorates a monarchy corrupts the life of a republic.

"Social standing and consideration, by reason of such employment, is not thought of. The administration is always saying, in effect, to each of its civil servants: 'Your skill, your experience, your long and faithful service, are as nothing to us; we can discharge you to-morrow, and at once find a hundred others who will answer our purposes as well.' Each one thus suffers a standing discredit. His place is due to accident, and gives him no title to respect. It implies, rather, a damaged reputation, and a character that can be tampered with. A tide-waiter can be nothing more, nor is he sure of even being that, although he proves to be the most faithful and capable of tidewaiters. If he does not bury his talent himself, it is buried for him, and his possible skill in making usance by it can avail him nothing. No grades, no promotions, no hopes, no honors, no rewards, are open to the most faithful, diligent, and honest officer, and while the incentive to excellence in service which these might give is wholly lost, his office itself gives him no character or social position. But if by merit and fidelity the tide waiter can win the higher places in the customs, his place, himself, and the service itself acquire respectability. The cadet of either of the warlike services has a prestige in this regard over even the higher grades of the civil service. All doors may be open to him, for his uniform is evidence

of his education, character, and of an opening career. Although the lowest subaltern, he may become a general or an admiral. A lieutenant or an ensign has a standing in society, by virtue of his being in the service of the government, but there is no element of respectability in the service of a clerk, inspector, or special agent, which would entitle him to be recognized, even by a member of Congress. I cannot believe that the reason of this is that the civil service is in itself less worthy of respect than the military, but is it not because the element of honor, which is inherent in the one, has not hitherto been added to the other? All serve alike under the flag; and while the glory cannot be equal, no discredit should be cast on either class of public servants by reason of their service." *

The bill, the necessity and advantages of which are thus ably set forth, provides for the appointment by the President, with the consent of the Senate, of a Board of Four Commissioners, with the Vice-President as their head, who shall prescribe the qualifications for civil offices, provide for the examination of candidates therefor, and periods and conditions of probation, and report rules and precedents; the candidate who stands highest to have the preference.

The

No one unfamiliar with the diplomatic correspondence of the United States can estimate the great conveniences and facilities which faithful government agents afford American citizens. legal guaranties in the transaction of business abroad, the immense saving of time and money in cases of contested local rights and personal claims, the maintenance of the national influence and honor, and the suggestions and information of vital importance only to be obtained at head-quarters and through official authority, are fruits of diplomatic service that make the record one of patriotic interest and practical value of which few of our citizens are aware. In some cases, where the official representative is not of adequate rank to ar

Speech of Hon. Thomas A. Jenckes of Rhode Island, May 14th, 1868.

range disputes and decide questions in his own person, the voluminous correspondence of interested parties, and the expense of sending a ship of war to the scene, emphatically indicate the false economy which, in failing to provide a minister, incurs, in a few weeks, an expense which would have maintained him for years. Occasionally, also, when grave international problems are discussed, or political changes, and military or commercial facts cited or described, these reports abound in luminous expositions and interesting details, alike creditable to the vigilance, ability, and humane sympathies of the writers, and of rare worth and interest to our government and people. When a foreign war is being waged, a treaty under consideration, a revolution imminent or in progress, · when a citizen is despoiled of liberty, a fugitive from justice is running the gauntlet of our legations, when an equitable pecuniary claim is withheld, or the decease of an eminent or wealthy fellow-countrymen demands the active protection of the law of nations, or when this law is violated, and only prompt and judicious explanation can ward off serious consequences, and when scientific or mercantile enterprise or emigration calls for special arrangements, with the sanction of foreign rulers, — in these and other exigencies the labors and influence of the diplomatist impress the public as an invaluable civil economy, and benignant as well as indispensable provision of civilization; but it should be remembered that, beyond these conspicuous duties and sometimes brilliant achievements, which attain historical prominence, there are the less-known but equally important ministries to the country's welfare, fulfilled in obedience to private needs, in the use of social privileges only attainable through official claims, in the protective and hospitable exercise of diplomatic functions, so requisite for the stranger, and so grateful to the citizen, to whom his passport is not only a shield but thus becomes the most auspicious letter of introduction and a national indorsement.