PART II.

CHAPTER I.

FROM THE BATTLE OF EDGEHILL TO THE CALLING
THE ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES AT WESTMINSTER.

the two houses, who immediately gave orders to forbear all acts of hostility, and sent a messenger to the king to desire the like forbearance on his part; but the committee had no

the advantage of a thick mist, advanced to Brentford, about seven miles from London,* which he attacked with his whole army, November 13, and after a fierce and bloody rencounter with the Parliament garrison, wherein considerable numbers were driven into the Thames and slain, he got possession of the town, and took a great many prisoners. The consternation of the citizens on this occasion was inexpressible, imagining the king would be the next morning at their gates; upon which the lord-mayor ordered the trained-bands immediately to join the Earl of Essex's forces, which were just arrived at Turnham Green, under the command of Major-general Skippon, and there being no farther thoughts of peace, every one spirited up his neighbour, and all resolved, as one man, to live and die together. Major Skippon went from regiment to regiment, and encouraged his troops with such short, sol

THE king having recruited his army at Ox-sooner left Colnbrook than his majesty, taking ford, after the battle of Edgehill, by the assistance of the University, who now gave his majesty all their money, as they had before done their plate, resolved to pursue his march to London, in order to break up the Parliament and surprise the city; while the Earl of Essex, imagining the campaign was ended, lay quiet about Warwick, till, being informed of the king's designs, he posted to London, and ordered his forces to follow with all expedition. The earl arrived November 7, 1642, and was honourably received by both houses of Parliament, who presented him with a gratuity of £5000, and, to strengthen his army, passed an ordinance that such apprentices as would list in their service should be entitled to a freedom of the city at the expiration of their apprenticeship, equally with those who continued with their masters. In the beginning of November, the king took possession of Reading without the least resistance, the Parliament garrison having abandon-dierlike speeches as these: “ Come, my boys! ed it, which alarmed both houses, and made my brave boys! I will run the same hazards with them send an express to desire a safe-conduct you; remember, the cause is for God and the for a committee of Lords and Commons to at- defence of yourselves, your wives, and children. tend his majesty with a petition for peace ;* Come, my honest, brave boys! let us pray heartthe committee waited on his majesty at Coln-ily, and fight heartily, and God will bless us." brook, fifteen miles from London, and, having received a favourable answer,† reported it to

When they were drawn up, they made a body of about twenty-four thousand men eager for battle; but their orders were only to be on the Rushworth, vol. i., p. 58. defensive, and prevent the king's breaking +He seemed to receive the petition with great through to the city. The two armies having willingness, and called God to witness, with many faced each other all day, his majesty retreated protestations, that he was tenderly compassionate of in the night to Kingston, and from thence to his bleeding people, and more desirous of nothing Reading, where having left a small garrison, he than a speedy peace."-May's Parliamentary History, b. iii., p. 33. The immediate subsequent conduct of returned to Oxford about the beginning of Dethe king was certainly not consistent with such pro-cember with his Brentford prisoners, the chief fessions; yet Dr. Grey is displeased with Mr. Neal of whom were condemned to die, and had for insinuating that it was a breach of promise, and accuses him of not giving the fairest account of this action, which, he says, the king sufficiently justified. But when the doctor passed this censure, it seems that he had not looked forward to the next paragraph, where the motives of the king's behaviour are stated. The committee deputed by the Parliament to Colnbrook consisted of the Earls of Northumberland and Pembroke, Lord Wainman, Mr. Pierpont, Sir John Ipsley, and Sir John Evelyn: when the king refused to admit the last gentleman, because he had named him a traitor the day before, the Parliament, though extremely displeased with the exception, so as to vote it a breach of privilege, yet, from their ardent desire of accommodation, permitted the petition to be presented without Sir John Evelyn.-May, b. iii., p. 32. This yielding conduct leaves the king more inexcusable, as it serves to show the sincerity of the Parliament in their overtures; and Lord Clarendon says that it was believed by many, that had the king retired to Reading, and waited there for the answer of Parliament, they VOL. I.-KKK

would immediately have withdrawn their garrison
from Windsor, and delivered that castfe to his maj-
esty for his accommodation, to have carried on the
treaty he had proposed. -History, vol. ii., p. 73. The
motives on which the king acted in the action at
Brentford, which Mr. Neal has compressed into one
paragraph, Dr. Grey, by large quotations on different
authorities, has extended through four pages, which
affords a parade of confuting Mr. Neal.-ED.
*Whitelocke, p. 62.

+ Rushworth, vol. v., p. 93.

The persons named by Rushworth, whom Mr. Neal quotes, were Clifton Catesby, John Lilburne, and Robet Vivers. Dr. Grey says that "it does not appear that these three were taken prisoners at Brentford." He should have added, from this place in Rushworth, to which the reference is here made; for in p. 83 Rushworth informs his readers, with respect to Lilburne in particular, that he owned that he was at Brentford; and by the others being included in the same sentence, it is probable that they

been executed for high treason, if the two letter to Duke Hamilton, dated December 2, houses had not threatened to make reprisals.* | 1642, he says, "he had set up his rest upon the The Parliament, to prevent a like surprise of justice of his cause, being resolved that no exthe city for the future, empowered the lord-tremity or misfortune should make him yield; mayor to cause lines of circumvallation to be for," says his majesty, "I will be either a glodrawn around it, and all the avenues fortified. rious king or a patient martyr; and as yet not It was not without reason that the two being the first, nor at this present apprehending houses complained of the king's extraordinary the other, I think it no unfit time to express this conduct on this occasion, which was owing to my resolution to you."* The justice of the the violent counsels of Prince Rupert and Lord cause upon which his majesty had set up his Digby, animated by some of his majesty's rest was his declaration and promise to govern friends in the city, who imagined that if the for the future according to the laws of the land; royal army appeared in the neighbourhood of but the point was to know whether this might London, the Parliament would accept of his be relied upon. The two houses admitted the majesty's pardon and break up, or else the con- laws of the land to be the rule of government,+ fusions would be so great that he might enter and that the executive power in time of peace and carry all before him; but the project hav- was with the king;‡ but his majesty had so ofting failed, his majesty endeavoured to excuse it en dispensed with the laws by the advice of a in the best manner he could: he alleged that, corrupt ministry, after repeated assurances to there being no cessation of arms agreed upon, the contrary thereof, that they durst not conhe might justly take all advantages against his fide in his royal word, and insisted upon some enemies. He insisted, farther, upon his fears additional security for themselves and for the of being hemmed in by the Parliament's forces Constitution. On the other hand, his majesty about Colnbrook, to prevent which, it seems, averred the Constitution was in no danger from he marched seven miles nearer the city. Lord him, but from themselves, who were acting evClarendon says,† Prince Rupert having ad-ery day in defiance of it. To which it was anvanced to Hounslow without order, his majes-swered, that it was impossible the laws should ty, at the desire of the prince, marched forward to disengage him from the danger of the forces quartered in that neighbourhood; which is so very improbable, that, in the opinion of Mr. Rapin, it is needless to refute it. Upon the whole, it is extremely probable the king came from Oxford with a design of surprising the city of London before the Earl of Essex's army could arrive; but, having missed his aim, he framed the best pretences to persuade the people that his marching to Brentford was only in his own defence.

have their due course in time of war as in the height of peace, because this must effectually tie up their hands. Neither party by law could raise money upon the subject without each other's consent; the king could not do it without consent of Parliament, nor the Parliament without the royal assent, and yet both had practised it since the opening of the war. To have recourse, therefore, to the laws of a well-settled government in times of general confusion, was weak and impracticable. Besides, his majesty refused to give up any of his late ministers to Though his majesty took all occasions to make offers of peace to his Parliament, in hopes Let them who are acquainted with the history of his firmness? Did Charles I. act with this consistency? the nation would compel them to an agreement, reign answer the question. Even Lord Clarendon by leaving him in possession of all his preroga-owns his belief that, in matters of great moment, an tives, it is sufficiently evident he had no intentions to yield anything to obtain it; for in his

were involved in the same charge of acting against the king at Brentford.

State Papers, quoted by Dr. Harris, Life of Charles I., p. 79, who has fully stated the evidence of Charles's dissimulation and want of faith. See also An Essay towards a True Idea of the Character and Reign of Charles I., p. 94, &c.-ED.

opinion that the violence and force used in procuring bills rendered them absolutely void, influenced the king to confirm them.-History, vol. i., p. 430. What confidence could be placed in the professions and sincerity of a man who could be displeased with the *On the authority of Lord Clarendon and Mr. Earl of Northumberland because he would not perEchard, Dr. Grey charges the chaplains of the Par-jure himself for Lord-lieutenant Strafford?-Sydney's liament army, Dr. Downing and Mr. Marshal, with publicly avowing "that the soldiers lately taken at Brentford, and discharged by the king upon their oaths that they would never again bear arms against him, were not obliged by that oath," and with absolving them from it. The doctor is also displeased with Mr. Oldinixon for treating this account as a falsehood, but he suppresses the grounds of Mr. Oldmixon's censure of it, which are these: in the first place, that there was no occasion to use these arts, when the prisoners amounted to but one hundred and fifty men, which could not be wanted when the city of London was pouring out recruits; and, then, priestly absolution was not the practice, nor the power of it the claim, of Puritan divines.-Rush-to worth, vol. v., p. 59. Oldmiron's History of the Stuarts, p. 214.-ED. + History, p. 74.

* Duke of Hamilton's Memoirs, b. iv., p. 203. Rapin, vol. ii., p. 466.

"Our laws have nowhere, that I know of, distinguished," says Dr. Grey," between times of peace or war, with regard to the king's executive power.' This is true; but it was the infelicity of the times of which Mr. Neal writes, that there arose new questions out of the present emergency for which the standing laws had made no provision, and difficulties which they did not apply.-ED.

"Mr. Neal," says Dr. Grey, "has not produced one single proof in support of this assertion, and 1 Rapin, vol. ii., p. 465, folio edition. challenge him to instance in particulars." This may Without controverting Mr. Neal's authority, Dr. appear a bold challenge from a writer who professed Grey calls this a bold assertion, and appeals to va- to be conversant in the history of those times. But rious messages for an accommodation which the as the doctor has thrown it out, we will produce an king sent to the Parliament. But of what avail to instance of the king's violation of his word. He prove a yielding and accommodating temper are gave his assent to the Petition of Right, a kind of speeches without actions? or softening overtures, second Magna Charta, which he immediately violaunless they be followed up by mild and pacific meas- ted, and continued to do for twelve years together. ures, adopted with sincerity, and adhered to with-Essuy towards a True Idea, &c., p. 94.-ED.

the justice of Parliament; for in his letter to Duke Hamilton, he says, that "his abandoning the Earl of Strafford had gone so near him, that he was resolved no consideration should make him do the like again." Upon these resolutions he declined the mediation of the Scots commissioners, which gave the several parties engaged against him a fair opportunity of uniting their interests with that nation.

authority, and appointed generals to command their troops; the chief of which was the eastern association of Essex, Cambridgeshire, the isle of Ely, Hertford, Norfolk, Suffolk, and the city of Norwich, whose militia were trained and ready to march where necessity should require within their several limits. In some parts of England the inhabitants resolved to stand neuter, and not be concerned on either side; but the Parliament condemned and disannulled all such agreements.

As the two houses depended upon the assistance of the Scots, his majesty had expectations of foreign aids from the queen, who had endeavoured, by the influence of her son-in-law the Prince of Orange, to engage the states of Holland in the king's interest, but they wisely de

at her private negotiations, and gave her a general passport, by virtue whereof she transported a very large quantity of arms and ammunition to Burlington Bay, and conveyed them to the king at York. His majesty, also, in order to bring over the Irish forces under the command of the Duke of Ormond, consented to a truce with the Irish rebels [signed September 15, 1643], in which he allowed the Catholics to remain in possession of what they had conquered since the Rebellion, to the great grief of the Protestants, who by this means were legally dispossessed of their estates; a most unpopular action, in favour of a people who, by their late massacre, were become the very reproach and infamy of human nature!* Thus the whole kingdom was marshalled into parties, with their drawn swords, eager to plunge them into each other's breasts. †

This was a nice and curious affair. The friends of the Parliament, who were agreed in the cause of civil liberty, were far from being of one mind in points of church discipline; the major part were for episcopacy, and desired no more than to secure the Constitution and reform a few exorbitances of the bishops; some were Erastians, and would be content with any form of government the magistrate should ap-clared for a neutrality; however, they connived point; the real Presbyterians, who were for an entire change of the hierarchy upon the foot of Divine right, were as yet but few, and could carry nothing in the House. It was necessary, therefore, in treating with the Scots, who contended earnestly for their kirk government, to deliver themselves in such general expressions hat each party might interpret them as they were inclined, or as should be expedient. This contented the Scots for the present, and left the Parliament at full liberty, till they saw what terms they could make with the king. Nor could the churchmen be dissatisfied, because they knew if they could put a period to the war without the Scots, the two houses would not call in their assistance, much less submit to a kirk discipline with which they had no manner of acquaintance; and therefore Lord Clarendon was of opinion,* that even at the treaty of Uxbridge, if the Parliament could have obtained an act of oblivion for what was past, and good security for the king's government by law, the affair of religion might easily have been compromised; but it required all the prudence and sagacity the two houses were masters of to keep so many different interests in points of reHigion united in one common cause of liberty and the Constitution, at a time when great numbers of the king's friends, in the very city of London, were forming conspiracies to restore him without any terms at all.

The Parliament's cause having a dark and threatening aspect, the Lords and Commons were not forgetful to implore the Divine blessing upon their counsels and arms; for which purpose they published an ordinance, February 15, 1642-3, exhorting to the duty of repentance, as the only remedy to prevent public calamities. It was drawn up by some of the Puritan divines; and because Bishop Kennet has branded it with the reproachful characters of cant, broad hypocrisy, and a libel against the Church, I will transcribe the substance of it in their own words:

"That flourishing kingdoms have been ruined by impenitent going on in a course of sin,

The king's affairs had a promising aspect this winter. His forces in the North, under the Earl of Newcastle, were superior to those of Lord Ferdinando Fairfax. In the western and mid- * To wipe off the reflections which this transacland counties there were several sieges and tion brings on the character of Charles I., Dr. Grey is rencounters, with various success, but nothing large in producing authorities to show that the situdecisive. Divers counties entered into association of the Protestants and of the army in Ireland, ations for their mutual defence on both sides.t The four northern counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Durham associated for the king; after which the two houses encouraged the like in those that owned their

66

* Dr. Grey asks, Where does Lord Clarendon discover this opinion? As he (i. e., Mr. Neal), is faulty even when he quotes his authorities, I am unwilling to take his word when he makes no reference at all." What will the reader think of the candour of this insinuation, when he is told that the passages to which Mr. Neal refers are to be found in p. 581 and 594 of the second volume of Lord Clarendon's History, and that they are expressly quoted, and the references are pointed out in Mr. Neal's account of the treaty at Uxbridge?-ED.

† Rushworth, vol. v., p. 66.

+ Ibid., p. 64.

through the length of the war and the failure of supBut if the reader would see a full investigation of plies from England, required a cessation of arms. this business, he should consult Mrs. Macaulay's History, vol. iv., 8vo, p. 63-90. Two circumstances will afford a clew into the policy and design of this truce. To prevent opposition to it in the Irish council, the members who were suspected of an attachment to the Parliament of England were committed close prisoners to the castle; and the king derived from it, as the price of granting it, £38,000, to assist him to carry on the war against his Protestant subjects in England. I will only add, that the main point aimed at by the rebels, and which the king encouraged them to expect, was a new Parliament; which, as the kingdom was circumstanced, would have put the whole power of government into their hands. Mrs. Macaulay, p. 845.

Rushworth, vol. v., p. 537-539, 548.

.

the sacred story plainly tells us; and how near to ruin our sinful nation now is, the present lamentable face of it does too plainly show. And though we should feel the heavy stroke of God's judgments yet seven times more, it is our duty to accept the punishment of our iniquities, and to say, Righteous art thou, O Lord, and just are thy judgments. Yet, because the Lord, who is just, is also merciful, and in his infinite mercy has left the excellent and successful remedy of repentance to nations brought near the gates of destruction and despair, oh! let not England be negligent in the application of it. Humble addresses of a penitent people to a merciful God have prevailed with him: they have prevailed for Nineveh when sentence seemed to be gone out against her, and may also prevail for England.

ford, who, being admitted to an audience in one of the colleges, produced the following proposals, which were read by the Earl of Northumberland:

1. "That the armies may be disbanded on both sides, and the king return to his Parliament. 2. "That delinquents may submit to a legal trial, and judgment of Parliament.

3. "That all papists be disbanded and disarmed.

4. "That his majesty will please to give his consent to the five bills hereafter mentioned.

5. "That an oath may be established by act of Parliament, wherein the papists shall abjure and renounce the pope's supremacy, transubstantiation, purgatory, worshipping the conse crated host, crucifixes, and images; and the refusing such oath lawfully tendered shall be a "It is therefore thought necessary, by the sufficient conviction of recusancy. That your Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, majesty will graciously please to consent to a that all his majesty's subjects be stirred up bill for the education of papists in the Protestant to lay hold of this only and unfailing remedy of religion. And to another bill for the better putrepentance, freely acknowledging, and hearti-ting the laws in execution against them. ly bewailing with deepest humiliation, both their own personal sins and those of the nation; a confession of national sins being most agreeable to the national judgments under which the land groans, and most likely to be effectual for the removing of them.

•Among the national sins are to be reckoned the contempt of God's ordinances, and of holiness itself; gross ignorance, and unfruitfulness under the means of grace; multitudes of oaths, blasphemies, profanation of the Sabbath by sports and games; luxury, pride, prodigality in apparel, oppression, fraud, violence, &c.; a connivance, and almost a toleration of the idolatry of popery, the massacre of Ireland, and the bloodshed of the martyrs in Queen Mary's time, which, having been a national sin, still calls for a national confession.

6. That the Earl of Bristol and Lord Herbert may be removed from your majesty's councils, and from the court.

7. "That the militia may be settled in such manner as shall be agreed upon by both houses. 8. That the chief-justices and judges of the several courts of law may hold their place quam diu se bene gesserint.

9. "That such persons as have been put out of the commissions of the peace since April 1, 1642, may be restored, and that those whom the Parliament shall except against be removed.

10. "That your majesty will please to pass the bill now presented, to secure the privileges of Parliament from the ill consequences of the late proceedings against the Lord Kimbolton and the five members.

12. "That your majesty will please to enter into alliances with foreign Protestant powers for the defence of the Protestant religion, and recovering the Palatinate.

11. "That an act may be passed for satisfy"Now, that all the sin and misery of this ing such public debts as the Parliament has enpolluted and afflicted nation may be bitterly sor-gaged the public faith for. rowed for, with such grief of heart and preparedness for a thorough reformation as God may be pleased graciously to accept, it is ordained that all preachers of God's Word do earnestly inculcate these duties on their hearers, that at length we may obtain a firm and happy peace both with God and man; that glory may dwell in our land; and the prosperity of the Gospel, with all the privileges accompanying it, may crown this nation unto all succeeding ages."

The reverend prelate above mentioned makes the following remark upon this ordinance: "When once the two houses could descend to have such fulsome penitential forms put upon them, to adopt and to obtrude in their name upon the nation, it was a sure sign that all that was sound and decent in faith and worship was now to be commanded into enthusiasm and endless schisms." I leave the reader to examine whether he can find any ground for so severe a cen

sure.

Though the king had rejected the Scots' mediation, and set up his rest upon the justice of his cause, he was pleased, before the beginning of the campaign, to admit of a treaty with his two houses, for which purpose he sent a safeconduct of six lords, and as many commoners, with their attendants, to repair to him at Ox* Rushworth, vol. v., p. 141.

13. "That in the general pardon, all offences committed before the 10th of January, 1641, which have been or shall be questioned in the House of Commons before the 10th of January, 1643, be excepted. That all persons concerned in the Irish rebellion be excepted, as likewise William earl of Newcastle, and George lord Digby.

14. "That such members of Parliament as have been turned out of their places since the beginning of this Parliament may be restored, and may have some reparation upon the petition of both houses."*

These things being granted and performed, we shall be enabled, say they, to make it our hopeful endeavour that your majesty and your people may enjoy the blessings of peace, truth, and justice.

The bills mentioned in the fourth proposition were these:

The first is entitled, "An act for the suppression of divers innovations in churches and chapels in and about the worship of God, and for the due observation of the Lord's Day, and

* Rushworth, vol. v., p. 165, 166.