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sion of mind. They could never have originated, except from the universal surrender of the right of private judgment; and nothing more is necessary to explode them at once and for ever, than a general or even a partial assertion of that right. However true it is that "in the multitude of counsellors there is safety," it is equally true that "where no counsel is, the people fall;" that the large majority of society never think for themselves, and are helplessly dependent for the accuracy of their notions on those to whom they yield a servile acquiescence: surely, in bending to such a majority, we shall "follow the multitude to do evil." Apart from the ignominy of this "passive obedience," as involving the surrender of that freedom of mind which is the birthright and the glory of human nature, it is chargeable with a high degree of moral turpitude, as evincing an utter insensibility to the value of truth, and the consequent sacredness of opinion. The charge of eccentricity, therefore, (except on those points which "come home to every man's business and bosom," and on which, therefore, each individual thinks for himself,) appears to be one of a very light, and often of a very enviable character. While the monstrous inconsistencies and vices which we have noticed, and which will probably suggest others to the mind of the thoughtful reader, receive the blind and tacit sanction of the community; eccentricity must wear the aspect of a duty, and that conformity to which it is opposed, however favourable it may be to the repose of society, is chargeable with all the results which follow from those fatal slumbers.

There is such a thing as the despotism of the many, far more to be feared than that of any individual. To the latter species of tyranny, Providence has appointed some mitigations, by limiting the term of life, and the sphere of personal influence. But though individual tyrants die off (through God's mercy) and "go to their own place," this more formidable tyrant, this “bellua multorum capitum,” never dies, but continues from generation to generation, to rivet upon men the fetters of custom, the more fatally secure from being neither seen nor heard, - nor even felt, except when they are attempted to be broken. It is evident that this power could never have arrived at the illegitimate height which it has attained, had not men lost sight of the fact, that though they might act in a collective capacity, they were responsible as individuals. It is then the duty of the wise and the good to assert, and act upon this principle, and to draw from it the motives which it supplies to decision of character. It is the want of this most ennobling distinction of the human mind, to which most of the inconsistencies and crimes of communities are attributable. It is the cultivation of it to which we must look for their only sure and permanent remedy. At the same time, while we connect these results with decision of character, it is necessary to distinguish between it, and that obstinacy which sometimes resembles it in its operation, but which is a vice as common as the virtue which it apes is rare. The essential difference between them is easily stated. Obstinacy is the invariable mark of an obtuse and insusceptible mind, and consists in immoveable adherence to opinions or purposes, irrespectively of the arguments and opinions of others; but to decision of character, nothing is more essential than extended induction and mature deliberation; at the same time, the capital distinction of the decided mind is, that while it entertains the opinions, arguments, or practice of others, they merely enter as elements into a calculation which is throughout conducted by itself alone. The essential difference between the genuine and counterfeit, between true decision of character and "that false and contemptible kind of decision which we term obstinacy," has been admirably illustrated by one of the greatest moralists of whom our literature can boast, in his incomparable Essay on Decision of Character; where he designates obstinacy "a temper which can assign no reasons but mere will for a constancy, which acts in the nature of dead weight, rather than of strength; resembling less the reaction of a powerful spring than the gravitation of a big stone."

MEMOIR OF THOMAS CORYATE,

THE TRAVELLER.

ECCENTRIC biography has its uses, in exhibiting the varieties of human nature, the effects of the passions on the conduct of men, or of certain predominant tendencies when destitute of their natural counteractives, in whom the imagination takes the place of reason. Among the strange characters that have attracted curiosity, without rendering any benefit to themselves or others, the subject of this memoir was particularly remarkable; and his history, therefore, may afford amusement and instruction.

THOMAS CORYATE, the son of George Coryate, prebendary of York, and rector of Odcombe, in Somersetshire, was born in the parsonage-house of the latter place, in

1577.

On the

From Winchester school he went to Gloucester Hall, Oxford, where he continued three years, and profited considerably in Latin and Greek, as well as in logic and scholastic learning. In 1600, he assembled his neighbours at Odcombe, on Whitsunday, and with them made a cavalcade to Yeovil, where he delivered an oration at the cross, to the people of that town, and about two thousand persons more, who came thither from many places in the neighbourhood. His design in this proceeding, he says, was to draw a great company to Odcombe, for the benefit of the church; the whole stock, for the reparation of which, had been expended. death of his father, soon after, Coryate removed to London, and was received there into the household of Henry Prince of Wales, who allowed him a pension, and the attendance of a servant. What kind of office he held in the royal household is not stated, though it seems to have been any thing but honourable, for Dr. Fuller says that "Sweetmeats and Coryate made up the last course at all entertainments;" indeed, adds the historian, "he was the courtier's anvil to try their wits upon, and sometimes this anvil returned the hammers as hard knocks as he received,his bluntness repaying their abuse."

Until this time he had lived in obscurity, but now he fell into the company of wits, who, as Anthony Wood remarks, "finding him little better than a fool in many respects, made him their whetstone, and so he became notus nimis omnibus." In the beginning of 1608, Coryate commenced his travels on foot through Europe. On the 14th of May he embarked at Dover, and the same day arrived at Calais, from whence after a short stay he proceeded to Paris. Through the whole course of his first

excursive tour, his residence at one place, except at Venice, seldom exceeded a few days. He remained at Paris only till the 28th of May, during which time he visited Isaac Casaubon, with whom he had much familiar conversation. From Paris he went to Lyons, where he had an interview and dispute with a Turk belonging to the train of the French ambassador at Constantinople. This Turk, it seems, understood six or seven languages, besides Latin, which he spake well. Coryate quitted Lyons on the 6th of June, and ascended Mount Cenis on the 11th of the same month. The next day he arrived at Turin, where he was severely attacked with an inflammation in his hands and face. From Turin he went to Milan, next to Lodi, and afterwards to Padua, where, in the church of St. Anthony, he observed a monument, which made him, he says, very melancholy; being that of a certain English nobleman, viz., Edward Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire, who was buried there in the time of Queen Mary. He was the son of Henry, Earl of Devonshire and Marquis of Exeter, who was beheaded by Queen Mary. "Truly, it struck great compassion and remorse in me," observes Coryate, "to see an Englishman so ignobly buried. For his body lieth in a poore wooden coffin, placed upon another faire monument, having neither epitaph nor any other thing to preserve it from oblivion, so that I could not have known it for an Englishman's coffin, except an English gentleman, my kind friend, Mr. George Rooke, had told me of it, and shewed me the same."

Coryate remained at Padua three days. On leaving it, he proceeded to Venice, where he arrived on the 24th of June. Of this place he speaks with rapture: "it yieldeth," says he, "the most glorious and heavenly shew upon the water that ever any mortal eye beheld; such a shew as did ravish me with delight and admiration.” Here he resided six weeks, which he declares to have been the sweetest time, for so much, he ever spent in his life. As at Lyons he entered into a dispute with a Turk on the truth of the Christian religion; so here he engaged in another, with a Jewish rabbi, whom he endeavoured to convert, but without effect, and to the danger of his life. "After there had passed many vehement speeches, to and fro, betwixt us," says he, "it happened that some forty or fifty Jews more flocked about me, and some of them began very insolently to swagger with me, because I durst reprehend their religion. Whereupon fearing lest they would have offered ine some violence, I withdrew

self by little and little towards the bridge, at the entrance into the Ghetto, with an intent to flee from them; but, by good fortune, our noble ambassador, Sir Henry Wotton, passing under the bridge in his gondola at that very time, espyed me somewhat earnestly bickering with them; and so, incontinently, sent unto me out of his boat one of his principal gentlemen, Master Belford, his secretary: who conveyed me safely from these unchristian miscreants, which, perhaps, would have given me just occasion to forswear any more coming to the Ghetto."

We next find Coryate visiting a courtesan, with the design of converting her; and, it must be owned, he gives a very entertaining account of the manners of these people. He departed from Venice on the 8th of August, and on the 14th arrived at Brescia, where, happening to be present at the dedication of a new image of the Virgin, he secretly stole the idol, and carried it off unperceived. His next stage was to Bergamo, where he was obliged to take up his lodging in a stable with the horses. Intending to go through the Grisons' country into Germany, he repaired to a monastery to obtain information for his journey. He was courteously received, and, among the instructions given to him, he was particularly warned to avoid a certain castle, on the Lake of Como, which was garrisoned by Spaniards, who would probably detain him a prisoner. On the 26th he arrived at Zurich, where he was introduced to Henry Bullinger, nephew of the famous Helvetic reformer, who succeeded Zuinglius. Coryate stayed here only one day, and on the 30th he arrived at Basil, from whence he travelled to Strasburg. On the 3d of October he landed at the custom-house in London, having, in less than five months, travelled on foot 1975 miles, more than half of which he performed with only one pair of shoes. These memorable shoes, which, in this long peregrination, were only mended once at Zurich, our pilgrim, on his return to Odcombe, caused to be hung up in the parish church, as a trophy of the owner's extraordinary enterprise. It will give some surprise to those who have not perused the account of his travels, to be informed that he was the first Englishman who made use of a fork at his meals. His account of this novelty is as follows:

"Here I will mention a thing that might have been spoken of before, in discourse of the first Italian town:-I observed a custom in all those Italian cities and towns through the which I passed, that is not

used in any other country that I saw in my travels; neither do I think that any other nation of Christendom doth use it, but only Italy. The Italians, and also most strangers that are visitants in Italy, do always, at their meals, use a little fork when they eat their meat. For, while with their knife, which they hold in one hand, they cut the meat out of the dish, they fasten their fork, which they hold in their other hand, upon the same dish, so that whatsoever he be that, sitting in the company of any others at meal, should unadvisedly touch the dish of meat with his fingers, from which all at the table do cut, he does give occasion of offence unto the company, as having transgressed the laws of good manners, insomuch that for his error he shall be at least brow-beaten, if not reprehended in words. This form of feeding, I understand, is generally used in all places of Italy their forks being, for the most part, made of iron or steel, and some of silver; but those are used only by gentlemen. The reason of this their curiosity, is, because the Italian cannot, by any means, endure to have his dish touched with fingers, seeing all men's fingers are not alike clean. Hereupon I, myself, thought good to imitate the Italian fashion by this forked cutting of meat, not only while I was in Italy, but also in Germany, and oftentimes in England since I came home; being once quipped for that frequent using of my fork, by a certain learned gentleman, a familiar friend of mine, one Mr. Laurence Whitaker, who, in his merry humour, doubted not to call me at table, Furcifer, only for using a fork at feeding, but for no other cause.'

Coryate prided himself, and not without reason, in being the first to introduce the fork into his native country; and if he had no other merit, he deserved to be commemorated on this account.

Upon this subject it may not be amiss to add an historical remark. In the ruins of Pompeii, spoons have been discovered, but no forks; whence it is inferred, that the Romans, at least before Titus, had no such table utensil. Nor is it known that at any later period, the ancient world ever adopted such articles. Peter Damianus tells us, that in the year 939 Giovanni, a son of Aso, doge of Venice, married at Constantinople a lady of luxurious habits. He adds, "Cibos quoque suos manibus non tangebat, sed ab eunuchis ejus alimenta quæque minutius concidebantur in frusta; quæ mox illa quibusdam furcinulis aureis atque bidentibus ori suo liguriens adhibebat." Hence it appears that two-pronged forks

to eat with were yet a novelty in Italy in the year 1000. Forks, then, were imported from the east, and were probably invented at Constantinople.

Fynes Moryson, in his Itinerary, about the same time with Coryate, speaking of his bargain with the master of the vessel which conveyed him from Venice to Constantinople, says, "We agreed with the master himself, who, for seven golden crowns by the month, paid by each of us, did courteously admit us to his table, and gave us good diet, serving each man with his knife and spoone, and his forke to hold the meat while he cuts it, (for they hold it ill-manners that one should touch the meat with his hand,) and with a glass or cup to drink in, peculiar to himself."

Coryate, on his return to England, retired to Odcombe, to prepare the narrative of his adventures for the press, in which labour he employed five months. Having completed his task, he was desirous of obtaining permission to publish the work, for which purpose, he wrote this letter to Sir Michael Hickes, desiring his interest with the Earl of Salisbury, to obtain a license, which was granted, and the work soon after appeared. "Right worshipful, and generous Sir,Though I feare I shall incur your reprehension, for presuming to write unto your worship; yet I hope the superficial acquaintance which I had with you lately at Mr. Ingram's (where it pleased you, after a very debonaire and courteous manner, to take notice of me,) will in some sort dispense with my bouldnesse. I write unto you, partly by way of deprecation for my error, committed at that time at Mr. Ingram's table, which I beseech you to impute, not to any voluntarie malipertnesse of mine, but rather to the merry prompting of that jovial black-bearded gentleman, that sat next unto me, who, you know, is soe much given to his rapаToya, and libertie of speech, that sometimes he will not sticke amicissimum quempiam perstringere, even to glaunce with some exquisite straine of witte, at the dearest freinde he hath; partly also for that I am soe bould to insinuate myselfe unto you, with a suite, whereunto if it shall please you to condescend, not onely I myselfe shall be obliged unto you for it, in the strictest bonde of true observance till I suffer the fatall dissolution of my bodie and sowle, but, perhaps, many notable members of other commonwealths may render no small thankes unto you for the same. Therefore, without any long introductions to discover unto you the summe of the matter, it is thus: having travelled 2D. SERIES, NO, 39.-VOL. IV.

about two years since in those seven famous countries-France, Savoy, Italie, Rhetia, commonly called the Grisons' countrie, Helvetia, alias Swicerland, some parts of High Germanie, and the Netherlands, I was disposed to turne my microcosme, (a phrase that a certaine learned gentleman not long ago made of me,) into eyes, I meane to prie into all thinges of chiefest remarque, that were obvious unto my eyes, in every place where I travelled, in soe much that by my incessant industrie, and herculean toyle, I wrote soe many observations in the foresayed countries, as have filled very neare four quires of paper, having in the space of five months surveyed forty-seven cities; and this my itineraire I have concealed so long, that it seemed cum lineis ac blattis rixari, (as eloquent Angeleus Politian writeth of certaine of his bookes, in an epistle to Laurentius Medices, Duke of Florence,) determining indeed rather Thetidi aut Veneris eas largiri marito, than to evulge them to the light of my countrie, before the consummation of my future travels, which I thinke will be very neare ten yeares hence, but some of my deare friendes, especially a certaine learned gentleman, one Mr. Lawrence Whitaker, hath made such importunities of persuasions unto me, who amongst other things, alleged that excellent proverbiall verse,

Πολλὰ μεταξὺ πελει κύλικος καὶκειλεος ἄκρο. I have confidently resolved, by God's gracious permission, to imprint the observations of my past travels, for the benefite of my travelling countriemen, before I goe abroad againe, for which cause, determining to dedicate them to the Prince, I went lately to his highnesse, pronounced an oration unto him, before a great assemblie of courtiers, and withal presented unto him my journal, who soe graciously accepted it, that he hath promised to entertaine the dedication thereof. Since which time I have laboured very much about the licensing of my booke, that it might be printed, first with the late Archbishop of Canterbury, whose sudden death hath much defeated my designment, after that with some of the High Commissioners, and the Bishop of London, of whom I cannot get an approbation, seeing it is not in their power to allowe any bookes to be printed (as they affirme) but theologicall, soe that the whole scope of my suite unto your worship doth tend unto this, that you would vouchsafe to intercede for me unto my Lorde Treasurer, that it would please his Lordship to give order that it might

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printed in London, with some expedition. The Prince not onely approving, yea, applauding it, together with all those selected flowers of gentilitie that flourish in his princely courte, but also earnestly expecting it, especially since there is not as much as one line contained in my whole journall, that maketh against other state, or any forraine prince confederate with us, or against religion or good manners; my booke containing principally the most remarkable antiquities of those cities that I have described; yea, and so many of them, that I hope you will pardon me, though I think that no man of other nation, since the incarnation of Christ, hath observed more, for the time, in the forsayd countries, which I hope you will not hold to be unlikely, if you did but knowe what intolerable paynes I tooke in my travells, both by day and night, scarce affording myselfe two hours rest, sometimes, of the whole twenty-four, in the citie of Venice, by reason of my continuall writing; whereupon divers Englishmen that lay in the same house with me, observing my extreme watchings, wherewith I did grievously excruciate my bodie, instantly desired me to pitie myselfe, and not to kill myselfe with my inordinate labours. To conclude, if it shall please your worship to gratifie me in this my earnest supplication, you will add unto me very spurres of diligence, and give me wonderful encouragement, to observe such thinges in my future travells as, I doubt not, but shall be acceptable to the King and Queen themselves, and all their Royal children, as also to the greatest Peers and Nobles of this Kingdom; in hope whereof I will commend your worship to the gracious clientale of the omnipotent Jehova.

From my Chamber in Bowe lane, this 15th of November, 1610.

Your worship's most suppliant Beadsman, THOMAS CORYATE.

His request was granted, and in 1611 the work appeared under the following title, "Coryate's Crudities hastily gobbled up in Five Months' Travells in France, Savoy, Italy, Rhetia, (commonly called the Grisons' country,) Helvetia, alias Switzerland, some parts of High Germany, and the Netherlands, newly digested in the hungry aire of Odcombe in the county of Somerset, and now dispersed to the nourishment of the travelling members of this kingdome."

The volume is in quarto; and in the dedication to the Prince of Wales, the author takes notice that the publishing of his book was chiefly owing to the importu

nity of some of his friends, especially Mr. Lionel Cranfield, afterwards Earl of Middlesex, and Mr. Laurence Whitaker, Secretary to Sir Edward Philips, Master of the Rolls; and in the Introduction to the verses made upon him and his book by most of the men of wit and learning of that age, in which they ridicule him in a style of high panegyric, which he does not seem to have been sensible of himself; he professes that the greatest part of those verses were sent to him voluntarily from divers of his friends, from whom he expected no such courtesy; and that when he found them so numerous, he had resolved to put a thousand of them into an Index Expurgatorius. But the Prince, who had evidently some share in the diversion which the preposterous vanity of our author gave to the public, laid upon him a strict and express command to print all those verses which he had read to his Highness.

Among the numerous writers who contributed, by their praises, to the sale of the book, which was printed at the expense of the author, were Ben Johnson, Sir John Harrington, Dudley Digges, afterwards Master of the Rolls; Richard Martin, Recorder of London; Lawrence Whitaker; Hugh Holland, the traveller; John Hoskyns, Sergeant at Law, and a Welsh Judge; Inigo Jones; Christopher Brook, of Lincoln's Inn; Richard Corbet, afterwards Bishop of Norwich; John Owen, the Epigrammatist; Thomas Farnaby, the Schoolmaster; John Donne, Dean of St. Paul's; Michael Drayton; Henry Peacham, Author of the Compleat Gentleman, &c. verses are in English, Latin, French, Italian, Spanish, Welsh, and even Irish. Appended to the volume are some Latin poems by the author's father, who appears from them to have possessed considerable learning and genius.

The

The author had the honour of presenting copies of this work to the King, the Queen, Prince Henry, the Duke of York, and the Princess Elizabeth, to each of whom he made an oration, which he afterwards published.

In the same year he published, also, in quarto," Coryate's Crambe, or his Colewort twice soddin, and now served in with other Macaronicke Dishes, as the Second Course to his Crudities."

On the 20th of October, 1612, after taking leave of his countrymen, by an oration, spoken at the Cross in Odcombe, Coryate set out on his further travels, in which he intended to employ ten years. He arrived at Zante on the 13th of January, 1613, and there saw, as he says, the

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