Blanchard, and after a journey of 157 days landed in Hawaii the last of March, 1820.

The practical results which have flowed from the sincere and intelligent labor of the missionaries soon became evident. Two years after their arrival (or in 1822), a primer of the Hawaiian language was in print, and from that time forward the language became a recognized literary medium in Hawaii, and is to this day used in books and journals printed for the natives. Still more remarkable was the speedy attainment, by the native congregations, of a status of independent selfsupport, and the establishment of a native ministry. In the latter forties this became the rule rather than the exception.

Mr. Henry Schuler Townsend, Superintendent of Public Instruction in Honolulu, in "The Forum" for July, 1888,

stone, Beaconsfield, Bismarck, and "Unser Fritz," Nelson and Napoleon, the American school children with whom I had come in contact. Hawaiian newspapers still give a greater amount of news from foreign lands than would be appreciated by readers of American country newspapers. It is a rare thing to find an illiterate adult Hawaiian in Hawaii, as it is rare to find an illiterate adult American in the most favored American state, and such has been the case for more than a generation past. Yet these are the people who must bear the brunt of the malice or ignorance of cartoonists and writers, who think it funny to caricature them as ridiculous savages.

"Speaker Reed says 'we are different,'-meaning that there is a marked difference between us and the American people. In some degree we plead guilty to this difference. For instance, men sleep here in perfect safety of person and property with unlocked doors. Our educational system, again, is somewhat more comprehensive, the annual term is somewhat longer, the attendance is somewhat

more general, and the ability to read and write is somewhat more common among the native born population thau is the case with the average agricultural community in the United States. Furthermore, the contribution to scientific and polite literature of the day, is more liberal than it would be from a community of corresponding size in the United States.

"When the red sunsets or afterglows attracted world-wide attention in 1883, it was a native of the Hawaiian Islands of American descent who offered the true scientific explanation. Of the two prizes offered by astronomical societies of the world, one came to Hawaii. The recognition extended to the <Bishop's Rings' was even more hearty in Europe than in the United States. nander's Polynesian Race still leads all authorities. Green's Vestiges of Molten Earth' still leads as a geological treatise. Law and literature have also been enriched by recent contributions from Hawaii. . .

Mr. For

"During the Civil War, when it at first became a serious problem to officer the colored troops, Samuel C. Armstrong, of Hawaii, came

fourteen years of age. Truant officers enforce the law, and it would be hard to find a boy or girl twelve years old who could not both read and write. The best of public schools are supplied by the Government. On January 1, 1897, 10, 189 scholars were enrolled in these schools, of which there were 132, taught by 280 teachers. All schools are conducted in the English language, except two of forty-eight pupils each, which are taught in Hawaiian. minister or priest is permitted to hold the position of Minister of Public Instruction or of Inspector-General.

No

The average salary of public-school teachers is about $626 per annum, and something over twenty per cent. of all Government expenses is for these schools, which are in session forty weeks each year. From the high schools, scholars may enter Punahou Preparatory, and from there go to Oahu College,* which was founded in 1841 by Rev. Daniel Dole,

Harvard, and all the best American colleges, without further preparation.

There is no district in the islands unprovided with schools, and many of the teachers are brought from the United States. Schoolbooks are supplied at cost price by the Board of Education. This Board, which serves without pay, consists of six persons, two of whom are women. The public schools are strictly nonsectarian, but the St. Louis College is maintained by the Catholic Church for those who prefer to attend that institution.

Through the generosity and forethought of Mrs. Pauahi Bishop, two most excellent schools- the Kamehameha Boys' and the Kamehameha Girls' schools - afford opportunities for Hawaiian youth to learn trades as well as to obtain a good schooling. Mr. F. W. Damon conducts Mills College as a Chinese school. Mr. Damon spent many years in China as a missionary, and is now doing a grand work, not only for the Chinese, but for those among whom they are to live. A Chinese church is also under Mr. Damon's charge.

The moral and intellectual results, therefore, as a whole, will bear close comparison with those of any similar condition the world over. The masterful and inherently noble New England leaven was too vital to become a mere negative quantity. What it implied is most perfectly embodied in the career of Judge Sanford P. Dole, who is still at the head of the

Hawaii Government. Yet every primitive race capable of being civilized possesses native traits growing out of their environment, and indispensable to a natural and healthy activity, which it is generally well to preserve intact, or advance, if at all, only along the lines their inherited ability and conditions foster. Nansen, in his volume on Greenland, regretfully notes that the natives of that country, as they become civilized, lose their ability for selfsupport. They are heroes in their kyacks, and the most masterful seal-hunters in the world; but, once "converted," they appear to lose their stamina to battle for a subsistence with the elements surrounding them. But the natives of the Hawaiian Islands are now to be found in every calling on the islands. They are expert mechanics, and especially noticeable for their skill as carpenters. They make faithful laborers on the sugar estates, if properly treated, but are especially famous as sailors, pilots, and fishermen. The Kanaka's skill in the management of his canoe is marvellous, and the perils of the giant surf of the Pacific Ocean have but stimulated his courage and ingenuity, till the sea has become as much his home as the land, and his knowledge of navigation, winds, and currents has made him in many respects the equal, if not the superior, of many white seafaring races whose prowess has been more widely known and sung.

OLAF ELLISON.

T

HE first time that the word "alliance »

was spoken in official language between the Governments of the United States and England, was in the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. It was a misfortune as much as it was a blunder that the two Governments allowed that treaty to lapse, or to be held in long obeyance. An Isthmian canal built by the two nations, with English and American money, would have given to both all the advantages it would have had if built by one, and their united protectorate would have brought with it the union of their two fleets. The canal would thus have become the bond of union and alliance over the two great oceans of the globe. With

the junction of these two fleets, the alliance of the two nations would have been cemented by its own development and the necessities of its growth, and they would have commanded the great oceans against the armed and jealous world.

But the threadbare, if not obsolete, prejudices of the wars of 1776 and 1812 still existed, and were fostered by Fourth of July orations and the extravagant optimism of the American press. The noblest accomplishment of these two nations, however, counted for naught in the face of these prejudices and passions. are, however, now reading between the lines of our national history. The Revolution of 1776 was no revolution at all.

We

The colonies revolted from the exercise of a feudal prerogative by the King which he neither could nor dared to exercise over his subjects in England. The true English temper of the American colonists revolted, as the Long Parliament and Oliver Cromwell revolted before them; and in '76, as in the days of Cromwell, the revolt was in defence of the English law, of "the Declaration of Rights," and of the Great Charter of England. It was the King and not the people who were in rebellion. America in that war was fighting the battles of Englishmen, and we have won the gratitude of modern England as we won the admiration of Burke and Chatham then. Not even a revolt against an English king, nor a political separation from his dominion, could weaken or destroy the moral alliance of the two peoples.

At no time in the history of nations has any Government encountered embarrassments such as those met with by Mr. Madison's Administration in 1812, during the strife between England and France. The country had not recovered from the exhaustion brought on by the war of '76; there were great debts against the Government, and little or no revenue to meet them. The majority of the Cabinet opposed a war; the tradesmen, farmers, and men of business were anxious to build ships, towns, colleges, and churches, to open up commerce, clear away forests, construct post roads, and educate their children. More than that, large numbers of intelligent Americans had no faith then in the new form of government, no confidence in the Federal Constitution, and they duly avowed their belief that it would end in ignominious failure. Our Government was between the upper millstone of France under Napoleon, and the nether one of England. Each was endeavoring to force the United States to declare war against the other, through self-interest alone. Stupid and ill-advised as the English Orders in Council were, the Decrees of Milan and Berlin, issued by Napoleon, were far more insolent, more aggressive, and more despotic still, for they constituted Napoleon an American as well as a European dictator. Ancient prejudices again loomed upon the scene, and in an evil hour our Government sided with France and declared war against England. At that time, if President Madison had inclined ever so slightly towards

England, that Government would have given us reams of white paper on which to write our demands, and they would have been granted not only freely but gladly. Unfortunate as that war was for both nations, it, however, brought our statesmen to the front, while the laws of nations applicable to the sea, and the rights of belligerents, were duly acknowledged. It was not, however, until the seamen of our country rose in anger at and defiance of France and England, and flung their proclamation of "Free Trade and Sailors' Rights" from their mastheads to the world, that the President and his Cabinet could see their way to action.

Later on, our war with the Barbary States enhanced our nationality perhaps more than any conflict in which our rising nation was engaged. It was an act of national chivalry. From Morocco to Tunis, along the northern shores of Africa, were planted the capitals of four pirate kingdoms. Their harbors and coasts bristled with fortresses and cannon, while fleets of their corsairs levied tribute of men and money from every Christian ship sailing through the Gibraltar Straits, and raided and harried the coasts of France, Italy, and Spain. Right under the very eyes of these Christian nations the pirate sultans lived and flourished. Every civilized nation paid infamous tribute to the Moorish pirates, and it is recorded that our own Government paid its share of tribute, with a cask of Spanish dollars, to the Bey of Algiers. It was paid once and only once, and the shame of the deed caused Congress to build and equip a squadron of ships of war to settle all future demands. When Commodore Decatur entered the Mediterranean, he met the great "Capitan Pasha" of the Barbary fleet, in his frigate, and, laying his own ship alongside, proceeded to demolish her. With some seventy of the crew-the Pasha himself among the slain - stretched out on her decks, the American commodore carried her into Algiers as a trophy of war to the Bey, who was invited to come aboard to view the remains and sign a treaty of peace on the deck of the flagship. It was the last tribute ever paid by our country to a foreign Power.

It was a strange lesson to England. Shame at last came to the English Court, and the gallant Lord Exmouth carried a British squadron into the harbor of Algiers, and brought it to anchor in line of

battle before the town and its vast fringe of batteries and castles. On that day the English ships also paid the last tribute to the pirate power in the total destruction of his defences, his castles, and his capital. A happy fate reserved to the young Republic the glory of the first example of the performance of a national duty to the monarchs of Europe.

During our great Civil War there was much exasperation in our country against England when that Government recognized the rights of belligerency to the Confederacy. But it was the one thing needed to enable us to establish an effective blockade, and it guaranteed to our Government also the belligerent right of search over every ocean of the globe. That act, while it proved of effective force to us, became disastrous to the rebellion.

In 1867 the French army of invasion had evacuated Mexico, at the command of our Cabinet, and the Emperor Maximilian was made a prisoner of war and executed by the Juarez Government. In the harbor of Vera Cruz the castle of San Juan d'Ulloa was garrisoned and commanded by the imperial Government. An American gunboat was at anchor in the inner harbor, moored by a hawser to a ring-bolt in the castle. About a quarter or half a mile farther out lay at anchor the British frigate "Jason." Seeing his Government without a head, and affairs looking very complicated, General Gomez, the commander of the castle, ordered the American gunboat to leave the harbor; but frail as his little command was, the American commander had received his orders from his own Government to protect his fellowcitizens in Vera Cruz, and he refused to leave. That night the work of mounting heavy guns upon the inner walls of the fortress was industriously prosecuted. Satisfied of the hostile purpose of the general in the castle, at midnight the American commander sent a note to the following purport to the British captain of the "Jason": "They are mounting heavy guns on the walls of the castle, that will point directly down upon my decks and sink my ship, where one hundred and fifty officers and men are endangered. I shall run the risk and the danger and be at my lock-strings at early daybreak." In a half hour more the terse and heroic answer was returned by the English captain: "A gun fired at one ship will be returned by both." Behold here the alli

ance of kinship and the glorious analogue of the cry of Tatnall at the Peiho, "blood is thicker than water!" "A gun fired at one ship will be answered by both" are words that should be writ on the flags of both nations for evermore. They are the words of alliance between England and the United States.

Since the unfortunate adventure of England in the Crimean War, that Government, like that of the United States, has selfreliantly held itself proudly aloof from entangling alliances with foreign nations. The English people are no more prone to form entangling alliances than are those of the United States. But a defensive alliance is not entangling, and it may mean much, or it may mean little, since it is capable of infinite modifications, but "a gun fired at one ship must be answered by both" is the true spirit of a defensive alliance. The fact exists, then let it be writ in official language.

The two nations view the beginning of the dismemberment of China with alarm and apprehension. The dismemberment of China must inevitably lead to civil war and anarchy in that empire; but civil war and anarchy mean the destruction of trade and commerce, and would bar forever the hopes of regeneration of that ancient people. The Chinese are the most industrious and laborious people of the earth. And as commerce has ever been the great missionary of the world, so it has become the gospel of peace and safety to the weary nations. It is the desire of both Governments to see this long-secluded empire penetrated to its remotest recesses by the railway and telegraph, by factories and machinery. The demand for the "open door" is the demand of human progress and civilization, and the eventual enlightenment of the Chinese empire. Our two nations do not wish a rood of this people's territory; they will demand, and they will have, ports of ingress and egress for all nations, and the door of exclusion at last must be opened wide to the world.

The partition of Africa among the Christian nations is a very different matter. China possesses a civilization more ancient and archaic than any other peoples. Africa has been sealed from the eyes of men since the creation, if we except the valley of the Nile, occasionally administered by the Egyptian Pharaohs. Until recently a great dread fell upon the Christian nations that Africa was destined