3

voiced educational ideals beyond their day and generation, as these documents show. In 1815, Governor Miller was democratic enough to say that public education was the only means by which all could be educated, and that education was the surest means of breaking down class distinctions. The next year he declared that ignorance was best if you intended to make slaves of men. In 1816, Judge Murphey proposed a system of public instruction to include the rich and the poor, in primary and secondary and higher schools. He even included the education of the deaf and dumb and the clothing and feeding of poor children at public expense, in his plan. In 1817, John M. Walker declared that liberty would vanish when wealth and education were the possession of the few only. In 1824, Charles A. Hill declared on the floor of the Senate that education was the foe of tyrants and the foundation of liberty; that education and civilization go hand in hand; and that ignorance was the cause of vice, while vice followed the neglect of the education of the children." In 1825, an anonymous correspondent of the Western Carolinian spoke of intelligence as the life of liberty, of education as the only sure basis of agricultural and commercial prosperity, and of the patriotic duty of all to promote the cause of public schools. During the same year, Governor Burton placed the establishment of a system of public education above internal improvements in importance, because of its influence on the moral character of the people and the preservation of our political institutions. In 1827, Upton, in the Fayetteville Observer, said that virtue would always be found in the train of education, that the prosperity of our neighboring States was due to the diffusion of knowledge, and that schools were intimately connected with the future well-being of our political institutions. In 1829, Charles R. Kinney answered the argument that it was unjust to tax one man to educate another's children,

1 P. 100. 7 P. 263.

2 P. 103. 3 P. 106. 4 P. 147. 5 P. 224.
P. 356.

8

P. 252.

Opponents of schools enemies of the people.

3

by saying that the blood of the poor man was very often spilt in defense of the rich man's property.1 In 1830, the Raleigh Register reminded the people that the legislature was under a solemn moral obligation to provide education for all the white people of the State. And about the same time Governor Owen said in his message to the legislature that vice, irreligion and poverty were the results of ignorance, and that a tax on the rich for the education of the poor was justifiable. In 1831, the Raleigh Register made its strongest editorial utterance in favor of schools. It declared: "Let this be the test word by which the people try every candidate for office: is he friendly to free schools; popular education? If not, he should be marked as an enemy to the people; to their rights as freemen; as anti-republican in his principles, and unworthy of the confidence of those for whose benefit this Government was Present day ideal instituted." But the present-day idea that it is the duty of the State to provide education for all, regardless of race or financial condition, is nowhere clearly stated in these documents, except in the memorial' of the Friends, sent to the legislature of 1834, wherein they protest against certain repressive slavery laws, such as prohibiting slaves and free negroes from preaching and making it a crime to teach a slave to read and to write. This memorial boldly declared "it unnecessary to urge the incontrovertible arguments that might be advanced from reason and Religion, to prove that it is the indispensable duty of the Legislature of a Christian people to enact laws and establish regulations for the literary instruction of every class, within its limits; and that such provisions should be consistent with sound policy, tend to strengthen the hands of Government and promote the peace and harmony of the community at large." This fine educational statement, far in advance of the times, fell on deaf ears. Some of our so-called

first stated by Friends.

1 P. 440. 2 P. 454. 3 P. 458. 4 P. 528. 5 P. 675.

6

❝ Pp. 477,

wisest men of that day continued to talk about "the education of the poor" and to introduce measures for the education of that class and to propose still harsher measures governing slaves. But Jeremiah Hubbard, or whoever wrote this Friends' memorial, was the wisest educational prophet of the period, in that he saw clearly the necessity of educating all classes of the people and the futility of making laws to repress the natural instinct of all human beings for more knowledge.

These references are sufficient to give the reader some conclusion. idea of the educational creed of the wisest leaders of this period of our history. Their bold and concise statements of the educational duty of the State have not yet been realized in North Carolina. From what has been said, it is easy to see why they were impossible before 1840.

nity action.

II. Educational Agitation: Measures and Results. Hatred of taxation, sparse population, primitive means Barriers to commu of communication, the presence of slavery, the educational destitution of the masses of the people, and the lack of a common religion made it extremely difficult during this period to gain friends for any measure looking to social and physical improvement. The people of the State lived apart. It took many long years to unite all the diverse elements of our population and to fuse them into one homogeneous people. The New England States did not have to go through this long process of fusion, hence they could begin earlier than North Carolina the work of public education and the realization of the ideals of great leaders. Here our educational leaders had to be content to utter their voices in the wilderness and then await the slow and tedious changes from an individualistic life to that of community cooperation.

free schools.

Even in colonial days, Governor Dobbs with the aid of Proposed colonial a number of our leading men proposed to establish one free school in each county. But the measure failed, partly

Bequests of Winwright and Innes.

Educational clause in Constitution of 1776.

because the governor and the Assembly disagreed about other matters and partly because no adequate means could be provided after the disappointing settlement the colony secured incident to the winding up of its claims against the mother country for its services in the French and Indian War.1

But individuals were not wanting in those early days, possessing a keen appreciation of the educational needs of the people. In 1744, James Winwright left a bequest to establish a free school in Beaufort. In 1754, James Innes left his property by will to establish a free school for the benefit of the youth of North Carolina. But both of these bequests failed to realize the hopes of the donors." When the constitution of 1776 was framed, its 41st section provided that schools for the convenient instruction of youth should be established and that one or more universities should encourage all useful learning. This clause was always interpreted by the friends of education to mean that public schools were required to be provided by the legislature, as well as the support of the State University. Hence we hear often during this period the newspapers, the governors, and others reminding the legislature of its Academy plan first solemn duty to provide for public education. But the failure of the legislature to carry out the 41st section of the constitution of 1776, except in the one particular of chartering the University in 1789 and providing for its meager support, caused the early growth of the idea of State aid for academies already established by private means, as well as encouraged individuals to supply the lack of public schools. In 1795, Rev. John Alexander left a conditional bequest to provide education for the poor children of Hertford and Bertie counties. In 1798,

hope of people to establish public schools.

1 State Records, XXIII, 392; Colonial Records, V, 298, 496, 573, 1041, 1095; Colonial Records, VI, 5, 477.

Pp. 2, 4, 5. These documents are not printed in the Colonial Records, hence their presence here.

Warrenton Academy asked State aid to assist the efforts of private individuals, observing that this academy had been preparing youth for the State University, "A circumstance they humbly conceive that can not fail of attracting Attention, and inducing Consent to their present prayer." This request was refused on the ground that the condition of the finances of the State did not warrant making the donation.1 In 1801, the citizens of Raleigh asked the Assembly to give them a lot in the town of Raleigh on which to erect an academy, which was granted on the condition that the title to the property should remain in the State. The same year the trustees of New Bern Academy asked release from the payment of the balance on their bond given the State for the purchase-price of one of the "Palace" lots. This request was rejected as im

mies introduced.

proper to be granted." Speaking of educational conditions in 1794, Judge Mur- Bills to aid acadephey declared there were, at that time, not more than three schools in the State "in which the rudiments of a classical education could be acquired," while there was great lack of books in even these few schools pertaining to history and literature. This condition of education, no doubt, caused Governor Williams to urge some "adequate and suitable means for the general diffusion of learning and science throughout the State," in 1802.5 This same year, Gen. Joseph Graham submitted his plan for a State Military Academy." The next year, Governor Turner urged the establishment of schools in every part of the State, and two bills were introduced in the Assembly looking to the establishment of academies. One of these bills, Dudley's, proposed to establish an academy in each superior court district and partialy support them by escheats; the other, O'Farrell's, proposed to establish county academies of science but provided no certain means of support.9 Both

1 P. 14. 2 P. 25. 3 P. 28. 4 P. 22. 5 P. 31. P. 44. 9 P. 46.

P. 32. P. 43.