vate museum.". -Mr J. Dennison of 12 Bold Street, Liverpool, informs us that he has met with many cases of a strong disposition to laugh and weep, in conjunction with a large development of the cerebral region marked "?" on the bust. He will be glad to shew some of the cases to any phrenologist. With respect to the organ named Wit, he says he has always found that persons who have it large are remarkable for "profound and comprehensive judgment-the power of embracing the whole principles involved in any subject, and are not liable to be led away by ex parte statements." The Oxford and Cambridge Review for November 1846, after quoting from the Phrenological Journal Mr Hytche's account of the heads of boys of the lowest order in London, proceeds thus: "Without committing ourselves to all the dogmas of Phrenology, we cannot but attach both truth and importance to such opinions as these, borne out as they are by so many concurring testimonies of other and less dubious kinds. (P. 592, art. on The Ragged and their Reformation.) The same number contains a very fair review of Mr Noble's work on the Brain.An American edition of Mr Sampson's work on Criminal Jurisprudence considered in Relation to Cerebral Organization, with notes and illustrations by E. W. Farnham, matron of Mount Pleasant State Prison, New York, has lately been published. We have not seen this edition, but, judging from the high character of Mrs Farnham (see ante, vol. xix., p. 199), we expect to find much sound and interesting matter in her notes.- -About the middle of February a paper was read at the London Ethnological Society on and in favour of Dr Retzius's views as to the crania of the north of Europe. In the course of the discussion which followed, Mr Richard Cull introduced Phrenology, took exceptions to the Doctor's views, and directed attention to what phrenologists have done in Ethnology. All this was well received, though Dr Prichard occupied the chair. A notice of Dr Retzius's work "On the Form of the Skull of the natives of the North of Europe" will be found in the British and Foreign Medical Review, No. 36 (October 1844), p. 372.Dr Renouard, in his Histoire de la Médecine depuis son Origine jusqu' au XIVe Siècle (Paris 1846), vol. i., p. 3, says :-"Two interesting branches have recently sprung from the majestic trunk of the science which treats of the physical nature of man. The first, which is named Orthopedy, teaches how to correct certain external deformities, whether accidental or congenital; the success which has followed it, and the extension it has acquired, already assign it a special place among the other departments of the medical art. The second branch is called Phrenologys a Greek word signifying literally a discourse on the mind, or on the facultie, of the soul. But the mind is here taken for the organ which more particularly serves for its manifestation [Not for the organ, but for the mental faculties which it manifests]. It is, then, of the organ of the mind, that is to say, the encephalon, that Phrenology treats. Those who have made a special study of that branch believe that the development of the faculties of the soul, or rather the manifestation of those faculties, depends on the size and form of certain parts of the encephalon. This size and form, and consequently the degree of development of the corresponding faculties, they hope even to determine by examination of the outside of the head. If ever the promises of Phrenology be realized, it will be able to furnish great assistance in the physical and moral education of man." 1 Books received. The Zoist, Jan. 1847.-The British and Foreign Newspapers received.-Coventry Herald, Dec. 25, Jan. 1, Feb. 5, To Correspondents.-We invite "A quondam Old Subscriber" to send Children, " Combe will continue his "Remarks on Naticle under the title of The Relation beSECT The Order of Nature a Guide for Hualso separately as a pamphlet, which n of the Phrenological Class, London Mel 308-312 BF THE PHRENOLOGICAL JOURNAL. No. XCII. JULY, 1847. NEW SERIES.-No. XXXIX. 2 1. MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. I.-On the Relation between Religion and Science. By The Reformation in the sixteenth century produced a powerful effect on the European mind. The miracles, precepts, and sublime devotional effusions of the Old and New Testaments, excited, with deep intensity, the religious sentiments of the people, introduced ardent discussions on temporal and eternal interests, and, unfortunately, led to furious and desolating wars. Freedom on earth, and salvation in heaven or perdition in hell, were the mighty topics which then engaged public attention. In the beginning of the seventeenth century, a generation born and educated under these exciting influences, appeared upon the stage. The Reformation was then consummated, but the duty remained of acting it out in deeds. The new generation had read in the Books of the Old Testament of a people whose king was God; whose national councils were guided by omniscience, and whose enterprizes, whether in peace or war, were aided and accomplished by omnipotence employing means altogether apart from the ordinary course of nature. The New Testament presented records of a continued exercise of similar supernatural powers; and the great lesson taught in both seemed, to that generation, to be, that the power of God was exercised as a shield to protect, and an irresistible influence to lead to success and victory in secular affairs, those who believed and worshipped aright, who embraced cordially the doctrines revealed in the sacred volumes, who abjured all self-righteousness and self-reliance, and who threw themselves in perfect confidence and humility on Him as their King, protector, and avenger. VOL. XX. N. S. NO. XXXIX.-JULY 1847. N 1 In the first half of the seventeenth century, the active members of society in England and Scotland, embraced these views as principles not only of faith but of practice. With that profound earnestness of purpose which is inspired by great ideas, they desired to realize in deeds what they believed in their minds. As remarked by Thomas Carlyle, that generation "attempted to bring the Divine law of the Bible into actual practice in men's affairs on the earth." In the contests between Cromwell and the Covenanters, we observe both parties claiming to be "the people of God;" both asserting that they were directed by Divine influence, and supported by Divine power, even when in hostile collision with each other. It is necessary only to read attentively Cromwell's letters and speeches, and the contemporary narratives of the Covenanters, to be satisfied of this fact. Each party ascribed its successes to the Divine approval of its conduct and belief, and its calamities to displeasure with its unbelief or other sins. When Cromwell overthrew the Scotch, and "had the execution of them," in other words, the slaughter of them, for many miles in the pursuit, he called it "a sweet mercy," vouchsafed to him by God, to whom he devoutly ascribed the glory. After mentioning his victory at Dunbar, the trophies of which were about " three thousand Scotch slain," "near ten thousand prisoners," "the whole baggage and train taken," with "all their artillery, great and small," he adds, "It is easy to say, The Lord hath done this. It would do you good to see and hear our poor foot to go up and down making their boast of God."* The Covenanters held the same belief; but, somewhat inconsistently, while they confessed that their own religious unworthiness had brought upon them the Divine displeasure, they denied to Cromwell the right to interpret the victory as a manifestation of the Divine approval of his faith, principles, and practice:-They endeavoured to represent it as merely "an event;" for which Cromwell rebukes them in the following words:" You (the men of the Covenant) say that you have not so learned Christ as to hang the equity of your cause upon events.' We (for our part) could wish that blindness had not been cast upon your eyes to all those marvellous dispensations which God hath lately wrought in England. But did you not solemnly appeal (to God) and pray? Did not we do so too? And ought not you and we to think, with fear and trembling, of the hand of the Great God in this mighty and strange appearance of His; instead of slightly calling it an event.' Were not both your and our *Letter XCII., Cromwell to Lenthal, dated, "Dunbar, 4th September 1650." (Carlyle's Cromwell, vol. ii., p. 41.) expectations renewed from time to time whilst we waited upon God, to see which way He would manifest himself upon our appeals? And shall we, after all these our prayers, fastings, tears, expectations, and solemn appeals, call these bare events?' The Lord pity you.' * While the people of that age entertained these views of the manner of God's agency in secular affairs, they were equally convinced of the supernatural agency of the devil, and with similar earnestness acted on this conviction. They ascribed to satanic influence on their minds their sins of unbelief, and carried their horror of it into practical effect by burning thousands of human beings as witches, for supposed compacts with the fiend. This belief lingered among the Scotch people a century later. In February 1743 the "Associate Presbytery" of the Secession Church passed an "Act for renewing the National Covenant;" and among other national sins which they confessed and vowed to renounce is mentioned, "The Repeal of the Penal Statutes against Witchcraft, contrary to the express laws of God, and for which a holy God may be provoked, in a way of righteous judgment, to leave those who are already ensnared to be hardened more and more, and to permit Satan to tempt and seduce others to the same wicked and dangerous snare." These were the views of God's providence entertained by the religious men of the seventeenth century. Those who were not penetrated by a deep sentiment of religion acted then, as the same class does now, on the views of the order of nature with which their own experience and observation, aided by those of others, had supplied them. They did not trouble themselves by much inquiry whether this order was systematic or incidental, moral, or irrespective of morality; but acted as their views of expediency dictated at the moment. It is with the opinions of the religious and earnest men of that century that we are now principally engaged. In commenting on that period, Thomas Carlyle observes, in his own quaint style, that "the nobility and gentry of England were then a very strange body of men. The English squire of the seventeenth century clearly appears to have believed in God, not as a figure of speech, but as a very fact, very awful to the heart of the English squire." He adds, "We have wandered far away from the ideas which guided us in that century, and, indeed, which had guided us in all preceding centuries; but of which that century was the ulti 66 *Letter XCVII., Cromwell to "The Governor of Edinburgh Castle," dated Edinburgh, 12th September 1650,” Lib. cit., vol. ii., p. 65. |