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[MARCH 1,1833.

The honorable Senator from New York [Mr. WRIGHT] First among the causes which combine to produce this had offered some practical views in relation to this sub- necessity, is the liquidation of the national debt. Hereject, which appeared to him (Mr. D.) altogether unan- tofore, the duties upon imports could be, and were, laid swerable. It had been said that this bill would secure with the combined objects of revenue and protection, protection and give stability to manufacturers for nine without any apprehension that the revenue would exceed years. It would be very consolatory to him if he could the wants of the country. Whatever surplus might arise, see any foundation for believing that it would. He must from our highly flourishing commerce, was readily ablook to the bill itself; must judge for himself as to the sorbed by the sinking fund, and applied beneficially to operation; and he confessed it did appear to him, that the country in the reduction of the national debt. But gentlemen were mistaken in saying that the principles that debt is now paid, and the imposts must be reduced would be carried into effect. Now, he would ask gentle- to the revenue standard, or the surplus revenue must be men, if a day was pointed out in a given number of years applied to some objects of national importance. To colwhen the whole system was to be abandoned, what would lect and accumulate in the treasury a surplus fund is what be the inevitable effect with respect to the property of no man would recommend. The application of a surplus those engaged in the manufacturing business? He would revenue to works of internal improvement has been, as is ask honorable Senators whether it was possible to escape well known, a favorite policy; but the opinion of the the conviction that, as soon as a stop was put to the pro-present Chief Magistrate is decidedly hostile to this polongation of this system beyond the year 1842, the conse-licy; and in this he has been sustained by a majority of quence would be, that the value of the property invested the people. His opinions must be acquiesced in; for, in manufactures must be depreciated throughout the without his sanction, no measure of this kind can be country? He knew that the whole system of protection adopted--much less can it be acted upon as a system. must terminate in 1842. He derived no benefit from his We are, therefore, constrained to accept this branch of attachment to the system; but after being instructed in it the alternative: the revenue must be brought down to an by the gentleman from Kentucky, and the gentleman amount sufficient for the administration of the Governfrom South Carolina, he could not consent to the over- ment; and the estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury throw of the system entirely. He expressed his inability show that a reduction of near six millions on the tariff of to comprehend the benefits which he was told would re- 1832 is necessary to bring it to that standard. sult from the passage of the bill. But he was well aware This necessity existing, the only question left is as to that a skilful pilot in a storm might be giving his vessel a the time and manner of reduction. And I confess, sir, direction towards some preserving eddy at the very mo- that I have had some weighty objections to touching the ment when, to a landsman, it would appear that she was subject at this session of Congress. The law that we running directly upon the rocks. So it might be with the passed at the last session, on the most mature and careful gentleman from Kentucky, who had heretofore proved consideration of all the various interests of our country, himself to be an admirable pilot. He might be running has not yet gone into effect, and I could earnestly have his ship towards some preserving eddy or current, in or- desired that the experiment should at least be tried under der to bring her up. If so, he (Mr. D.) should rejoice, its provisions, and that we need not have been constrainthough he confessed he could see nothing ahead but shoals ed by circumstances to remodel a work so fresh from our and rocks, and, in consequence, felt himself bound to op- hands. But the Executive denunciation against the propose his course. He, (Mr. D.,) though opposed to the tective principle, as contained in his veto message of the passage of the bill, was nevertheless disposed to give it 13th of July last; his recommendation in his annual mes fair play. The votes given in favor of the measure by the sage at the commencement of the present session, and Senators from South Carolina-and he (Mr. D.) said this the report of the Secretary of the Treasury which acwith great respect--was a practical abandonment of the companied it; the immediate movement in the House of doctrine of nullification; since, after declaring the act of Representatives by the friends of the administration there, 1832 null and void, they voted for a measure based upon and the nature of the project presented them, as it was that act. The votes, therefore, given for this bill, also re-understood, with the concurrence of high authority--all cognised the other. If we were to get rid of these con- convinced me, that whatever I, and those with whom I stitutional scruples by the votes of the gentlemen from act, might wish upon that subject, the thing must and South Carolina, why then he considered that something would be done. Another reason which weighed strongly had been gained by the passage of this bill. If it should with me against this measure was the attitude recently produce harmony and conciliation among all parties, it assumed by South Carolina. The Senator from that would be a subject of universal congratulation.

In conclusion, he would only say that there was no doubt of the passage of the bill; and although it might operate oppressively on the interests of his State, yet, if it had the effect which was anticipated, in reconciling the Southern part of this country, he should feel highly gratified.

State, farthest to my left, [Mr. CALHOUN,] has, in speaking on this subject, deprecated, in the strongest terms, the bill which originated here, and which has just passed the House of Representatives, arming the Executive with power to counteract and resist the measures of that State. But I say, unhesitatingly, for myself, I would never have Mr. EWING, of Ohio, said he could not feel that he given my sanction to this bill, or any other which might had discharged his whole duty to himself, and those whom look to concession and conciliation, without the previous he represented, if he gave a silent vote upon this bill. passage of some law such as that asserting the supremaModified and matured as it is, said he, I have, after some cy and sustaining the power of the Union. But the suc hesitation, determined to support it; and I will consume cess of that measure, which I entirely approved, and as little time as may be in giving the reasons which have heartily sustained, satisfies me on this point, and removes, brought me to that determination. in my estimation, that objection to the present consideration of the subject.

I could have wished, had it been practicable, said Mr. E., to have left the subject untouched, at least for the This difficulty removed, there are reasons growing out present session. At the last, it occupied our time, and of the situation of the country which would induce me the that of the other branch of the National Legislature, for more readily to do at this time what must soon be done, many months. The system which was then matured has, even if the option were left with me, as I am sure it is in but few of its provisions, yet gone into operation; but not. Sir, the discontents in the whole southern division already a kind of political necessity requires that it should of our Union--not in Carolina alone, but in the whole be retouched; that, too, in a manner most materially af- South--have been fanned and nurtured, year after year, fecting the protection of our domestic industry. until they have risen to a pitch of excitement which is de

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[SENATE.

structive of the harmony, if it do not threaten the stabili pression of the present opinions of those who support it, ty, of our Union. If those unhappy discontents can be having in fact precisely the same force and effect as a removed by this conciliatory measure, it will give us con- resolution; and, on comparing the words in this bill, cord and good will, as we have a right to believe it may, which my honorable friend construes as a pledge, with when we have for years past had nothing but heartburn- the first of a series of resolutions which he offered a few ings and divisions. If it will, in truth, harmonize the dis- days ago, I can discover no shadow of difference in the cordant elements of our country, and give us peace at principle laid down by each; they are almost identical. home, I, for one, shall not regret that I have sacrificed In truth, sir, there is nothing in this idea of a pledge so some of my predilections to obtain it; and even as to much dwelt upon by the opponents of this bill. All who those of our brethren who have wandered farthest and support it say, with one voice, there is not. The Senaerred most, surely we cannot desire, unless necessity de- tor from South Carolina, [Mr. CALHOUN,] on the other mand it, to see them crushed and humbled to the earth. side, says that he does not so consider it. He trusts to One of the Grecian generals-I think it was Themistocles- its permanence on the more substantial ground, that said he would erect a bridge of gold to aid the retreat of the time and circumstances under which it was brought an invading enemy; and his saying was a wise one. Ought forward, and the effect which it was intended to proless to be done to invite the footsteps of returning friends? duce, and which we confidently hope it will produce, in But the bill has been assailed, on all sides, with great yielding peace and repose to our agitated country, will wrath, and a determined spirit of hostility. The Senator cause it to be considered as a settlement of this great pofrom Georgia, while apparently giving it his support, has litical controversy, in which each of the extremes has pursued a course of argument the best of all calculated yielded something to union and conciliation; and that no to array Southern men and Southern feeling against it. one will touch it until time shall have tested its merits, He treats it as an abandonment of principle on their part; or some urgent necessity shall require a change. asa giving up of all that they have so long and so steadily The Senator from Pennsylvania, near me, [Mr. DALstruggled for, and that, too, at the moment when it was LAS] said, a few days ago, that he looked on this bill as a just in their grasp. On the other hand, my friend from disgraceful abandonment of the principle of protection. Massachusetts, from whom I never differ without much I confess I was surprised, and at the same time gratified, self-distrust, tells us that it is on our part an abandonment to find that he has entirely changed his opinion; to-day of the principle of protection. It contains, he says, a pledge not to vary, not to modify the duties, and that it will put us in the power of foreign nations, and prevent us from countervailing any legislation of theirs which may be directed against our industry.

he tells us that he looks upon its acceptance by the gentlemen of the South as an entire abandonment of their opposition to the protective principle. Still, his objections to the measure do not appear to be diminished by this change of opinion; he looks upon it as an abandonOn the strictest examination which I have been able to ment of the interest of the Northern and Middle States, give this subject, some of their objections appear to me and especially Pennsylvania, who expected, and had a wholly unfounded, and others greatly exaggerated, by right to expect, that her industry, which had grown up the strong and imposing manner in which they are pre- under this system of protection, would be still fostered sented. Of one thing I feel confident; with the intel- and protected.

lectual power which is brought to bear upon this propo- I recollect that the honorable Senator, at the last sessition, no actual defect in the bill can have escaped sion of Congress, stood by us through a long and difficult exposure, nor is there any one which has not been shown contest, a firm and able supporter of the protective policy. us in its full dimensions at least, if not somewhat magni- I recollect, too, in the historic sketch which he gave of fied. Indeed, I was half inclined to think that my honor- the origin and progress of that principle in our Governable friend himself labored under an illusion similar to ment, that he appealed to Washington, and his successors that of the philosopher, who, looking through a teles- in the Presidential chair, as gentlemen whose recommendcope of very high power, discovered a living monster ations were entitled to respect and consideration. But it striding across the disc of the sun. The origin of the was on the opinion of the present Chief Magistrate that wonder is well known. A small insect, invisible to the he said he rested; and, in speaking of him and his views, naked eye, was making its way over a lens of his te- he seemed, like the wrapped Platonist, to be lost in the lescope.

bright emanation of the ethereal essence. But the opiHow, sir, is the fact? Does this bill abandon the prin- nion of the Executive has changed on this subject, or, if ciple of protection? Satisfy me that it does, and no con- not changed, it was not then understood. At the close of sideration will induce me to yield it my assent. But, sir, that very session, in his veto message, to which I have no idea can be more erroneous; even after the year 1842, already referred, he condemns the whole protective powhen all the proposed reductions shall have taken place, licy as iniquitous and unjust; and, in his last annual mesthere is a long list of articles, nearly one hundred in num- sage, he distinctly tells us that the revenue must be reber, introduced duty free, for the express object of pro- duced to the wants of the Government. Then, while we tecting and sustaining the manufactures of our country, remember the authority on which the Senator from Pennand a proposed discrimination of duties on all other arti-sylvania founded his support of the tariff at the last sescles below the range of 20 per cent. So far, then, from sion, and since have seen that foundation swept from bethe principle of protection being yielded by this bill, it is distinctly recognised; the sufficiency of that protection is another question, and one which has been already considered by gentlemen more completely masters of the subject in its details than I am.

neath his feet; if we recollect, too, that he supported with equal zeal, nay, led the van, was first of the foremost in support of another measure of great national importance-the rechartering of the Bank of the United States; and that, in less than one short month after that measure was I cannot concur with the Senator from Massachusetts destroyed by the veto of the Executive, the honorable in his opinion that this bill contains a pledge to sustain fu- Senator attended and addressed an assembly of his fellow ture legislation, or rather to bind the honor and con- citizens met to approve the veto, and consequently to resciences of those of us who now support it. I sign no pudiate the law which was forbidden; while we recollect bond in legislation, nor will I hold myself bound beyond these things, I appeal to the gentleman himself, had any what the good of my country may require or justify. Sir, of us who wished to sustain the protective policy any all that it speaks of future legislation is but recommenda- right to expect his aid in its support, if a bill, which was tory in its nature. It is not law, nor can it have the bind- understood to have originated in a certain high quarter, ing force of law. It is, then, nothing more than an ex- had come before us for consideration. Let the honora

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[MARCH 1, 1833.

ble Senator remember, too, that but one intimation of his very closely, a measure, the object of which was to give views upon this subject was permitted to escape during peace and harmony to the country; but the gentleman the present session, until this bill was presented by the from Pennsylvania shall not, said Mr. M., put words in Senator from Kentucky; and that expression, as I under- my mouth, as expressive of my opinions of this measure. stood it, went to this: that he would abandon the whole He acted on the subject, at this time, in the same manprotective policy, if necessary, to preserve the Union. ner as formerly. A settlement of the subject had been We had this without the explanation which the Senator held out to us, and we were promised a restoration to has since given of it; and always heretofore, during the our rights sooner and more complete. But does any present session, on this subject, he has been either silent one wish to see a sudden and total destruction of manuor ambiguous. factures by a single blow? This bill kept them alive for Under these circumstances, if we had wished to make ten years, and, after that time, will enable all honest pura stand, and hazard every thing in support of the present suits to live and thrive. The honorable gentleman seemtariff, had we any reason to hope for the support of ed to suppose that the bill derived its origin from some the Senator from Pennsylvania? We thought we had sudden and great panic in the public mind. It becomes none; and the Senator himself will, I fancy, be satisfied not me, said Mr. M., to trace the motives of those who that we reasoned correctly from the facts that were be- brought forward this measure; but I have no doubt that fore us; and, without his aid, and that of those who act they are, in an eminent degree, honorable. He felt deep with him, we well knew the effort would be hopeless. gratitude to those who had come to our deliverance, in And what right has the honorable Senator, or what right the hour of our deepest gloom, when we saw no light has Pennsylvania to complain, if this state of things do save the sparkles which gleamed from the steel of the in fact lead to the prostration of her industry? She has enemy. If I were tenfold more ambitious than I am, I placed in the hands of an individual the power, after he would not derive more glory than he has who restores had expressly declared that he had the will to destroy peace to an empire like this. His laurels will grow this system. Situated thus, we saw and felt that the pro- green, and be forever cherished by a grateful people. tective policy could not be long sustained in its present It had been said that the bill was the result of a general effective form; it must suffer retrenchment and diminu- panic, by those who affected insensibility to the dantion; many of its roots must be severed, and its branches ger to which our institutions were exposed. From the topped. But, with care and caution in the process, we panacea which they advocated, good Lord deliver us! still hoped that the trunk might be preserved; but, in They supported, with a zeal which could not be exceedthis hour of trial, it was thought better that it should be ed, a measure, the abominations of which he wanted in the hands of its friends than of its enemies. Since re- words to express. The last argument of kings they duction was inevitable, there is, in my opinion, no mode chose as the first argument of a republic. They sent out which could have been devised, better than that gradual the sword, the bayonet, and the banner, but no olive reduction proposed by this bill. It causes no sudden branch. Gentlemen are startled at the idea of surrendershock in the business of the country, and it gives time to ing the dignity of the Government. What Government the manufacturers to mature their machinery, perfect is it? It is the Government of those who set it up. The themselves in the details of their business, and prepare solid foundations of its strength are the confidence of the to meet the foreign competition as it gradually presses people. When it leaves that confidence, and appeals to upon them. In every respect it is better than a sudden the sword for support, it must totter and fall. But, sir, and immediate reduction, such as was proposed in the original bill reported in the House.

said Mr. M., I leave this subject. I rose to return my thanks to my honorable friends, through whose zealous A gradual reduction, by legislation, from year to year, and patriotic efforts this glorious consummation has been would have been attended also with unhappy conse- brought about. The measure would, he believed, tranquences. No one could have rested for a single year on quillize the agitations which threatened to produce a a certainty of the future; the public mind would have desperate result; and those who had come forward to been still kept in a constant state of feverish excitement; save our Government, and restore peace and harmony to a war of intellect and opinions would have been still the country, would, he hoped, receive the deep and waged, and the extreme sections of the Union would lasting gratitude of their fellow-citizens. have gone on increasing in bitterness and hostility against Mr. CLAYTON then made some observations on the each other. But we have a right to hope now, for a assertion that the principle of protection was abandoned, short season at least, of quiet; that the troubled ocean a statement which he denied. He could not understand will, for a while, be still; and, in the mean time, we have how any gentleman could stand up, in the face of all the all the chances of a change of public opinion in favor exemptions which the bill contained of articles used by of the protective policy; the chances of war in Europe, which would be itself protection; and, at worst, the protection afforded by this bill, when reduced to its lowest point, will be large, if not ample-taking into view the home valuation and cash duties. And, on the whole, I feel confident that the industry of our country will be more safe in 1842, under the provisions of this bill, than it would be in 1834, if this bill do not become a law.

the manufacturer, and say that there was any intention to abandon the principle of protection. He would not sacrifice any of the great interests of the country, but would look abroad upon the whole, with a desire to extend to all an equal and an efficient protection. He believed that, instead of being abandoned, the tariff system would, hereafter, be placed on a better footing than any on which it had heretofore stood. It was from no feelMr. MANGUM would not, he said, long detain the ing of panic that he had been induced to vote for this Senate; but, before they parted with the subject, as he measure. He had been disposed to soothe the feelings hoped they soon should, he felt it due to himself to say a of the people of South Carolina, and to produce a state few words. Does the honorable Senator from Pennsyl- of things which would bring all the great interests of the vania suppose (said Mr. M.) that we shall be driven country to act together. He replied to some of the refrom this work of harmony, by his suggestion that it is an marks of the Senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. WEBabandonment of the grounds which we had taken against STER,] especially to the one in which he had said that this the protective system? After sleeping upon it three or bill contained a pledge which would prevent any honorfour nights, the Senator at last finds that the bill recog-able man from voting for a repeal of this law. In such a nises the principle of the tariff of 1832, and he pro- case, he wished the Senator from Massachusetts to estabfesses his gratification at the readiness of the Southern lish a rule exclusively for his own government, and to people to gulp it down. He was not disposed to scan, leave others to the same free course of action. He also

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[SENATE.

went over the ground he had formerly taken as to the der the apprehension of what mischief may be done by concurrence between the resolutions of that gentleman the next Congress, and under a disposition to send forth and the bill now under consideration. to what had fallen from the Senator from Pennsylvania, pressed upon us: but it was our duty to see that this He then replied to the country a measure of peace, this bill has been Mr. DALLAS,] as to the course pursued in committee, and measure of peace leaves unimpaired our constitutioninsisted that the protection secured by the bill, as it now al powers. The gentleman from New Jersey says that stands, is more efficient than that which would have been the handicraft trades will not suffer; but it is as demonstraobtained by the amendment of that Senator. stated that he had conversed with practical manufactur- ultimately destroy many of them. He also ble, in my opinion, as any thing can be, that this bill will ers, and had been satisfied that none of the great interests them, when the duty comes down to twenty per cent., of the country would be sacrificed by this bill. In refer- than the free trade system. No great improvement is It will be worse for ence to the statements made by the Senator from Penn-likely to be made in the manufacture of boots and hats, sylvania, relative to the ruin which this bill would bring whereby they can be afforded much cheaper than at preon the establishments in Pennsylvania, he expressed his sent. Nobody expects that, at the end of ten years, they belief that as much injury would not result from this will be any better or cheaper than at present. Take measure as would have resulted frum the proposition ready-made clothing: does any body suppose that it can made by the Senator from Pennsylvania.. However be furnished so much cheaper at the end of ten years, Pennsylvania may have legislated at home, she had not, as to render twenty per cent. an efficient protection? He on this floor, shown that steady, inflexible determination did not mean to go into this question: he had only risen not to surrender a particle of the principle of protection to state how far, in his opinion, this bill surrendered the which was now manifested. He would not permit it to principle of protection. go forth to the world that he and his friends, who were about to record with pleasure, because it would give Massachusetts had not dealt fairly with his argument. By Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN said, the gentleman from peace to the country, their names in favor of this bill, the measure under consideration the country would be were about to yield any thing of the principle of pro- allowed time to take breath, and the harshness of the tection. He regretted that he had occupied the Senate present opposition to the protective policy would be so long. He would not go through the clauses of the soothed. It was true that the interests of the manufacbill, which was printed. He trusted that his constituents turers would be put to hazard in 1842, but the dangers would understand the motives which had induced him to which they would encounter then would be far less wote for this bill. If he should find, at the expiration of threatening than those which surround them now. the nine years, that there had been too much yielded of the end of eight or ten years, the South will not consent to the interests of the manufacturers, he would willingly go the continuance of a moderate degree of protection, then If, at with those friends with whom he had so long acted, in we shall have before us the very issue which we now restoring things to their former condition. Mr. WEBSTER said, in respect to what was surren- information as to the effect of the reduction upon the have. Will we have the tariff, or have the Union? His dered by the bill, gentlemen had stated their own handicraftsmen in his State, he had received before he opinions. He stood before the country on the prepo- left home. sition that every thing which had been found valuable in whether the tariff or the Union should be destroyed; and He had submitted to them the question the protective system was abandoned by the bill. True, their reply was, that they loved the Union better than the there was a list of free articles in the bill, but the essen- tariff, and would cling to the Union at all hazards. tial principles of the protective system were specific du- Whenever it comes to that dreadful issue, said Mr. F., ties and discriminating duties, which the bill abandoned take the Union. to destruction. He went before the country on the position that the only principles of a protective tariff, which to give his views at length on this subject, but, at this Mr. SILSBEE remarked, that it had been his intention in this or any other country had been found valuable, late stage of the bill, he would forego that intention. He were not contained in this tariff. the continuance of this system, he could not express his Delaware, that a duty of 20 per cent. on home valuation, As to the pledge for rose merely to reply to a remark of the gentleman from views of it more strongly than the gentleman from Ken- and paid in cash, would be equal to a duty of 30 per tucky had done. Every body, he said, would be dis- cent. levied and paid in the usual manner. posed to repeat it. I cannot, said Mr. W., judge for vinced that there was a wide difference, and he would others, but if I voted for the bill, I should feel myself explain it in a single word: Take an article which costs bound to suffer it to go into complete operation. When abroad $1. The home value, adding the duty of 20 per we show the friends of the bill that it will destroy manu- cent., is 120 cents. factures, they say, let posterity take care of itself. Every 24 cents. The usual credits on duties are eight, ten, and argument in favor of the bill results in this: Why not, twelve months: they average ten months. Taking the The duty on this home value will be they ask, let the year 1842 take care of itself? But do rate of interest at 5 per cent., the payment of duties in you not legislate for 1842 by this bill? It might be that cash would add one per cent. to the duty, making the the peace and quiet expected from this measure will fol- whole amount of duty 25 and not 30 per cent. low from it, but he did not believe it. next year, it would be found that the bill was impractica-gument on this point. His object was to give the manuHe believed that, Mr. CLAYTON would not, he said, enter into an arble, and could not be put in operation without further facturers an honest and fair 20 per cent., which he belegislation; and that further, it would be found not to lieved would be secured to them by the home valuation diminish the revenue at all. this was his opinion. The gentlemen from New Jersey He might be mistaken, but and cash payments. and Delaware had stated that, in the opinion of practical established by the discussion, that the bill was bad. It Mr. FORSYTH said, one thing had been conclusively business men, the bill would not essentially injure the was taken by all not as good in itself, but as probably handicraft and some other interests. The opinion of half good in its effects. He voted for it with all its imperfeca dozen gentlemen, however respectable, could not be tions on its head, relying upon the declarations of those taken as the general sense of practical men; nor were who ought to know that it would put an end to the dispractical men always the surest guides in legislation. tractions of South Carolina. He would have voted for it When they are persuaded by their friends that this bill with pleasure, as somewhat better than the act of 1832, will give them eight years of secure protection, they are if the second section had been expunged; as it was, he well satisfied, and look not further into the future. Un- did it reluctantly, confiding in the disposition of his fel

I

He was con

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low-citizens to bear without complaint their portion of but as they spoke of one another.] The question was, the additional burdens of 144,000 dollars for the ensuing how much black mail was to be paid to the Caterans, year, as their irritated neighbors were willing to endure and for how long, for a contingent promise of future imyet a larger part.

munity from their predatory inroads? Both parties must The Senator from Massachusetts had repeated to-day have ground to stand upon for defence of their respecta question he asked some days since: How could those ive adherents; hence the contradictions of the bill. In who should vote for this bill attempt hereafter to modify one point of view, it was all protection; protection, the or repeal it in the face of the pledges upon it? Mr. F. right to plunder, admitted by the payment of security had no difficulty in giving a distinct and satisfactory an- money falling as low as 20 per cent., and then to stand swer to this inquiry. Those who voted for, were no more forever. In another, it was all free trade and sailors' bound to regard the law (and it would be nothing more) rights: the revenue being to be reduced to the wants of as sacred, than those who voted against it. It was to be an economical administration of the Government in 1842. obeyed while it existed, but was changeable, like all Both sides admit that all this is to depend upon continother laws; the follies engrafted upon it to the contrary gencies, over which we have no controlling power: but notwithstanding. The idea of pledges was every where here is the basis for argument on both sides, and each given up. How far the circumstances under which it may claim a triumph, and support the claim by quoting was passed gave firmness and endurance to its provisions the bill as a compromise. Mr. F. did not think that was another affair: that was for the people to judge; for either side could safely cry out with crooked back himself, he considered himself as totally uncommitted to Richardendure it a single moment beyond the time it should be of public benefit. Had any scruple been felt on this point, it must have been removed by the declarations of the Senators from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY] and Delaware Now are our brows erowned with victorious wreaths. [Mr. CLAYTON.] They had openly anticipated a better But, if they could, the sound would be more pleasing and more effectual bill of protection within the nine to his ear than the trumpet call for one hundred bayonets years, founded on a looked for change of public opinion to reduce the rebellious spirits of the South, or the warin the Western States. Mr. F. anticipated a further mo- cry of the gallant general to extract a promise from his dification, if not a complete abandonment of the protec- inflamed auditors to follow him "to the death for his sutive system, from a progressive and progressing change gar." So far as his opinion was of any value, Mr. F. of public opinion in the Western, Middle, and Eastern would not withhold it: he thought the highlanders had States. made the best of the bargain.

Now is the winter of our discontent

Made glorious summer by the son of York;

And all the clouds that lower'd upon our house
In the deep bosom of the ocean buried.

Mr. F. congratulated himself that a few days of reftec- The Senator from South Carolina [Mr. CALHOUN] had tion had shown that the suggestions he had thrown out introduced again the topic of the bill passed a few days when the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY] asked since in the Senate, and now just passed in the House leave to introduce the bill, and for which he had been of Representatives—the bloody bill--the bill to repeal somewhat fiercely assailed from all quarters, were not the constitution. Mr. F. regretted to hear that Senator entirely so unreasonable and anti-pacific as they had been introduce again this topic: he had been heard on it be denominated. The validity of the constitutional objec- fore, at large, with indulgence, and with all the attention tion had been substantially conceded. The Senate, too, due to his character and the peculiar position in which to save time, had waited for the bill from the House of he stood. This ought to have satisfied him. It cannot Representatives; and it was now admitted that, to wait have escaped the Senator's, observation, that, on this subfor the next Congress to settle this vexed question, would ject, he is struggling against public opinion. Mr. F. be a losing game to the manufacturers. The Senator would not add any thing to what he had said when the from Kentucky says he saw the torch about to be applied bill was discussed; but there was one remark made by to his favorite system, and he seeks to snatch it away. the Senator which was almost exclusively applicable to He did more: he demonstrated that it was in imminent himself and his friend from Virginia, on the other side peril. Mr. F. recommended to the Senator from Maine, of the Chamber, [Mr. RIVES.] The Senator said, no [Mr. SPRAGUE,] who had rushed upon him with so much one who valued his reputation for candor could deny knightly fury for expressing this opinion some days since, that that bill was a violation of the constitution, if he to couch his lance and charge upon the Senator from admitted that the constitution was founded on compact. Kentucky, whose crime was certainly the greater, as he Now, Mr. F. said, we [Mr. RIVES and himself] admit has taken the trouble to prove what Mr. F. had only that the constitution is founded on a compact between asserted. the people of the States, for themselves and for their The Senator from Massachusetts has spoken of the ab- States. We are the only persons expressing that opisurdities of the bill very truly; they are numerous and nion who have participated in the discussion, and voted inevitable. Mr. F. had endeavored to remove them; not for the bill. succeeding, he was contented to take them for the sake [Mr. CALHOUN interposed and said, he hoped the Seof peace, although certainly not a little surprised that nator from Georgia would take his whole proposition, bethey were deemed necessary or sufficient to secure peace. tween the States as separate, independent communities, Had the reduction of duties in the time specified been and still subsisting as independent communities united by alone insisted on, all would have been well; introducing compact.]

the

pros and cons necessarily begat confusion and contra- Mr. F. said, he did not understand the remark to have diction. Fire and water united produce spoke; oil and been so qualified. It was not important, however, to vinegar shaken into a union produce air bubbles: direct- enter into the opinion in detail. He had expressed, and ly opposite political or politico-economical opinions, acted he now repeated his conviction, for which he claimed all upon in concert, produce absurdity. The moderate men the credit for sincerity due to that expressed by the genof both parties have not united to arrange this question; tleman from South Carolina, that the bill passed by the they are not numerous enough at present to effect it. two Houses was constitutional and expedient. He knew But the fire and sword opposers of the tariff have enter-well he was to be assailed on that ground, and was quite ed into negotiation with the plunderers of the South. ready to meet the assault. Standing alone more than once The robbers and the robbees had made terms together, before his constituents, he had never failed to receive s [Mr. F., in using this language, begged to be understood patient hearing, and never was or would be deserted by as speaking of the parties, not as he thought of them, them while he was sustained by reason and justice.

Mr.