H. OF R.] The Tariff Bill. [JAN. 22, 1833. bill which was received throughout the whole country In doing so, I put out of the question the sales of the with all but universal satisfaction, as a fair compromise, public lands, as not furnishing any permanent fund for as the harbinger of peace, of reduced excitement; not- the expenditure of the Government. It is well known withstanding all this, we are now informed, by authority, that we must review our work; that that bill will not do; that the whole matter must be gone over again. The measure before us naturally presents two questions: the first, whether it is necessary, proper, or expedient, that we should pass any bill on this subject; the second, whether, on the supposition that that question is answered in the affirmative, this is such a bill as we ought to pass. Notwithstanding the impatience of the honorable gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. POLK,] that we should come to the details of the bill, I must first discuss the preliminary and previous question--are there any good reasons why we should pass any bill at all? that a bill for the distribution of the proceeds of these sales amongst the several States, passed the other branch of the Legislature during the last session, and was post poned in this House, at the close of the session, by a small majority, on the ground that the time was too short for acting upon so important a matter. There are various other projects for the disposition of these lands; and we are told, by the same high authority under which this bill is brought before us, that "it is our true policy that the public lands shall cease, as soon as may be, to be a source of revenue." It would, therefore, be absurd to take them into view, in an arrangement of the duties intended to be permanent. Fifteen millions are wanted, then, as revenue from imWhy, Mr. Chairman, should we disturb the act of last ports, and the question is, whether, under the act of July July? Nobody dreamed of doing so before the meeting last, they will produce a greater sum. We find in the of Congress. All the reasons are to be found in the last annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury the communications to this body from the Executive. Let us following paragraph: "Taking an average of the impor examine them. The duty is urged upon us of reducing the revenue to the expenditures of the Government; and the first question is, what relation do they now bear to each other? The President informs us, in his annual message, that "It is expected, however, that, in consequence of the reduced rates of duty, which will take effect after the Sd of March next, there will be a considerable falling off in the revenue from customs in the year 1833. It will, nevertheless, be amply sufficient to provide for all the wants of the public service, estimated even upon a liberal scale, and for the redemption and purchase of the remainder of the public debt." tations, for the last six years, as a probable criterion of the ordinary importations for some years to come, the revenue from customs, at the rates of duty payable after the 3d of March next, may be estimated at eighteen millions of dollars annually." As the Secretary has not informed us of the process by which he comes to this result, its correctness can only be tested by such data as the official documents furnish; and I confess I cannot, by any calculation which I can make, come to the same result. But, before presenting my own calculations, I must call the attention of the committee to another circumstance connected with this inquiry, of a character altogether extraordinary. The President, in Well, sir, then for 1833 there is no difficulty. Not-his last annual message, urges the necessity of reducing withstanding the reduction in the term of credit for duties the duties to the revenue standard; and the Secretary of after the 3d of March, and the circumstance that a considerable portion of them will be payable in cash, thus concentrating a great part of the revenue of two years, the revenue is only expected to be amply sufficient for the expenditure, including the reimbursement of the balance of the public debt, so that for a year to come, at least, there can be no surplus. We are next told that "the final removal of this great burden [the public debt] from our resources affords the means of further provision for all the objects of general welfare and public defence which the constitution authorizes, and presents the occasion for such further reduction in the revenue as may not be required for them." Here is a sentiment to which the whole nation will respond; the happy era of freedom from debt, presents an admirable opportunity for doing something liberal and glorious for the general welfare. the Treasury, in his report accompanying it, makes use of the following language, speaking of his report 1831, communicated to this House at their former session. "In the last annual report on the state of the finances, the probable expenses for all objects other than the public debt, were estimated at fifteen millions. This is still believed to be a fair estimate, and, if so, there will be an annual surplus of six millions of dollars. "Still firmly convinced of the truth of the reasons then presented, for a reduction of the revenue to the wants of the Government, I am again urged, by a sense of duty to suggest that a further reduction of six millions of dol lars be made, to take effect after the year 1833. Whether that shall consist altogether of a diminution of the duties on imports, or partly of a relinquishment of the public lands as a source of revenue, as then suggested, it will be for the wisdom of Congress to determine. But, sir, without making any calculation for these pro- "Deeply impressed with these reflections, which are posed objects, of which the Secretary of the Treasury, now rendered more urgent by the reduced and limited de in his annual report for the last year, furnished us a long mands of the public service, I had the honor at the last list, have we arrived at a point where we can decide session of Congress to recommend a reduction of the du with any degree of certainty or confidence that the re- ties to the revenue standard. The force of those, and venue, under the bill of last session, will exceed the pro- similar considerations, and of that recommendation, may per and necessary expenditure of the Government? be supposed to have received at that time the sanction of That bill was framed for the express purpose, and with Congress, and to have formed a motive of the act of the the express view, to reduce the revenue to the amount of 14th of July last, notwithstanding that it was not thea the expenditure, and, at the same time, to preserve that deemed practicable fully to adopt the recommendation of incidental protection to manufactures which has always the department.' formed a part of our revenue system. Mr. Chairman, on reading these passages in the report The Secretary of the Treasury informs us, in his last of the Secretary of the Treasury, I thought it the lar annual report, that he still believes that fifteen millions guage of pretty severe reprimand, because we had failed (as estimated in the report of 1831) is a fair estimate of to carry into effect his recommendations for reducing the probable expenses of the Government, for all objects the revenue, and as urging that circumstance as the other than the public debt. I shall assume it to be so; ground for requiring our further action. In the hurry and propose to inquire what reason there is to believe in which that bill was made to take its final shape, it was the revenue under the act of July last will exceed that not easy to calculate precisely the comparative reduction which it made, as compared with the bill from the tres sum. JAN. 22, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. of R. sury: my own impression, at the time, was, that it went unprecedented, and more than three times the amount quite as far, or farther, than that bill. The language of imported in any one previous year. It may, therefore, the Secretary, therefore, a good deal surprised me, as in- be safely assumed, that the act of July, 1832, reduced dicating a result so different from my own expectation. It the amount of duties more than a million of dollars below occurred to me, in examining into this matter, to inquire, those proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury, ashow far we had failed in our duty; how far we had fallen suming the import of 1831 as the basis. It would seem, short of the Secretary's recommendation. I will not con- therefore, that if the duties have not yet been reduced to ceal my astonishment at the result; and, sir, I ask, what the revenue standard, it is not the fault of the two will be the astonishment of this House, should it turn out, Houses of Congress, who have actually gone beyond the after all, that the bill of July provides for as great a re-recommendation of the Executive. duction of the revenue, as that furnished us by the Secretary himself? Nay, more sir; what will they think, should the reduction under our own bill go beyond that proposed by the Secretary a full million of dollars? It is, indeed, passing strange; but it is said figures cannot lie, and I can bring them to no other result, as the following table will show: Reductions of duty by the bill of 14th July, 1832, as compared with that reported by the Secretary of the Treasury, on 27th April, 1832, taking the imports of 1831, according to the table annexed to the report of the Committee of Ways and Means, as furnished by the Treasury Department, as the basis. Woollens, not exceed- Manufactures of hemp Hemp, unmanufactur ed, Coffee, Teas, Amount. Rate of 66 51,909 cwt. 81,757,386 pounds, 1 5,182,867 pounds, Wines after 1834 half present duty, Additions of duty made by same bill. Rate. 34 per cent. The question then arises, have we any good ground for believing that we shall be overburdened with an excess of revenue under the existing law? It is notorious that, at the present moment, instead of there being any money in the treasury, the balance is actually the other way. In the correspondence between the Secretary of the Treasury and the President of the United States Bank, it was admitted that the Government would be short at least some few hundred thousand dollars of the amount requisite to pay off the three per cents. on the first of January, and which it wished the Bank to advance on interest. So that, at present, we are in fact somewhat behindhand. Now, the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. INGERSOLL] of the Committee of Ways and Means, has shown conclusively, that, according to the estimates of the Treasury Department, the balance in the 50,025 treasury on the first of January, 1835, will be less than 359,400 the appropriations which will then be outstanding. I do not perceive that this statement is at all impugned by that 130,000 of the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means 270,600 [Mr. VERPLANCK.] The only difference appears to be, 1,259,700 that the latter thinks we ought to be constantly in debt 98,700 to the outstanding appropriations some millions; trusting that they will not be called for until we can receive the amount from new sources. This appears to me rather a 426,000 niggardly course, as a permanent one, for a Government free of debt, and with a reduced income, as it leaves them 25,954 no available fund for possible contingencies. 408,785 The most important question, however, is, whether the 51,828 permanent revenue under the act of 14th July, 1832, 296,034 will probably exceed the sum of fifteen millions of dol lars, the estimated necessary expenditure. In recom3,377,026 mending the measure of reduction to us, the Secretary of the Treasury, in his annual report of December, 1831, made use of the following very sensible language: 419,560 "It will be difficult precisely to graduate the revenue to the expenditure. The necessity of avoiding the possibility of a deficiency in the revenue, and the perpetual fluctuation in the demand and supply, render such a task 30 p. ct. & 4 cts. lb. 50,000 almost impracticable. An excess of revenue, therefore, under any prudent system of duties, may be for a time unavoidable; but this can be better ascertained by expe 1,178,600 rience, and the evil obviated, either by enlarging the ex70,000 penditure for the public service, or by reducing the duties on such articles as the condition of the country would best admit." Amount. On wool costing over 8 cents per lb. 1,234,000 Woollens over 35 cts. 20 per cent. Flannels, bockings, and baizes, 350,000 22220 25 66 3,377,026 1,073,297 There may be a few other small items, operating both ways, but which cannot affect the result; besides, the addition on raw wool is altogether greater than will ever result in practice: the importation of 1831 being wholly The importation of 1830 was a very small one. In fact, the only correct mode of estimation for the future is to take an average of years, and in the present case the result will be, as nearly as may be, the same, whether we take an average of four or six years. Taking, then, the average adopted by the Secretary of the Treasury, as a fair basis of calculation, and I shall attempt to show that it is the utmost which can safely be taken, from the gross im H. OF R.] The Tariff Bill. [JAN. 22, 1833. ports of 86,200,000 dollars must be deducted the amount years, will give $14,100,000, from which is still to be of foreign goods exported, which, on an average of the deducted $300,000 for the reduction on wines, after same period of six years, amount to a fraction over March, 1834, leaving the permanent nett revenue, on 20,000,000, leaving 66,200,000 as the nett amount of the basis assumed by the Secretary of the Treasury, foreign imports, including those free and those liable to $13,800,000. This appears to me the only safe estimate duty, consumed in the country, and from which the re- which we can make from data in our possession. venue from imposts is to be derived. The only accurate It is therefore apparent that, instead of our having any mode of estimating this revenue, under a change of duty, troublesome surplus of revenue over $15,000,000, under would be, to take the average amount of each article, the existing law, the probability is, that it will actually liable to duty under the new act, imported for the last six fall considerably short of that sum. It is true the Com years, and, deducting the quantities exported, calculate mittee of Ways and Means assume $100,000,000 as the the duty on the balance, as the average nett quantity con- probable amount of future importations, and have assum sumed. We have been furnished with no such table; and, in ed that as the safe basis of legislation in establishing a the absence of it, I must take such data as we have. The permanent system of revenue, presenting the singular table annexed to the report of the Committee of Ways anomaly, that in July last we were furnished by the and Means gives twenty-three dollars and sixty-six cents Treasury Department with the basis of $70,000,000, as a per cent, as the average duty payable on the entire im- datum for legislation, and in the succeeding December port, under the act of July last, taking the importation our Committee of Ways and Means say $100,000,000 is of 1831 as a basis of calculation. This ratio will give, on not too high an estimate, and all this under the same adthe nett import of 66,200,000, a revenue of 15,660,000 ministration. This discrepancy alone would furnish a dollars, subject, however, to a deduction for the expenses sufficient reason why we should not meddle with this subof collection, of about a million of dollars. ject at the present session. It is, however, easy to show Now, sir, I think it can be made apparent, that this that the assumption of $100,000,000 of gross imports, or mode of estimation gives too high a result, because the of $80,000,000 of nett imports, as the basis of a revenue import of 1831 embraced imports of certain articles pay-system, is wholly unsafe and unwarrantable. It would ing the highest rates of duty, vastly greater than the average imports of the same articles for six years, or than can safely be calculated on for the future, as the following: Wool costing over Import 1,234,000 6,100,000 seem to have resulted from the fact that our official tables of imports give the amount for the year ending Soth September, 1831, at $103,191,000, and for 1832 at $101,036,000, which might, at first sight, give an air of permanence to these high sums; but a careful examina tion will show the fallacy which would result from doing So. Average of Rate of 4 years. duty. Every one acquainted with commercial operations, 400,000 54 per ct. is aware how periods of depression and elevation of prices, of caution and overtrade, follow each other in a 4,100,000 50 66 sort of irregular circle of years. This is not the occasion 16,090,000 10,800,000 42 66 to discuss the causes of these fluctuations; but the fact is Now, it must be apparent that this excessive importa- notorious. Depression is followed by caution, which tion in these particular articles goes to increase the rate leads to successful operations, which are pushed on to of duty on the whole importation very materially over full, and finally to overtrade, until another depression any average of years which can be taken. From a cal- completes the revolution of the wheel. culation which I have made, these items will reduce the The return of these periods is very irregular, but the average rate of duty from twenty-three dollars sixty-six years 1829-30-31 and 32 are a striking illustration of a cents to twenty-two dollars forty-four cents per cent.; complete revolution in the short period of four years. and in this table no allowance is made for the reduction Every one knows that the year 1831 was a year of great of one-half the duty on wines after the 3d of March, overtrade; of great prosperity in the commencement of 1834. Putting all these things together, I estimate the it, and great loss in the end. Every one, therefore, was excess arising from this mode of estimation, as amount-prepared to see a great increase in our imports of that ing to at least a million of dollars on the nett revenue, year, which expectation was, in a great measure, satisfied which will reduce it below $14,000,000, on the basis as sumed by the Secretary of the Treasury.. by finding our official tables giving an import of one burdred and three millions for 1831, after seventy millions There is another view of it. The Secretary of the in 1830. But the fact that the import of 1832 should still Treasury communicated to this House on the 4th of June come up to one hundred and one millions, was somewhat last, through the Committee on Manufactures, a table, puzzling. I was at a loss to account for it myself. Hav containing an estimate of the duties which would accrue ing some recollection of the period when the great inunder the bill reported by Mr. Adams, the chairman of crease of imports commenced, and was in operation, it that committee, taking, as a basis, the importation of occurred to me that the quarterly returns might throw 1830, on which the nett revenue was calculated and made some light on this matter. Accordingly I obtained from to amount to $12,763,000. The import of that year was the Treasury Department the following statement of the a small one, amounting to $70,876,000, whilst the foreign aggregate amount of imports for the several quarters of exports were $14,387,000, leaving a nett importation of the years ending 30th September, 1831 and 1832. $56,489,000, on which the revenue was to be levied. The bill of the 14th of July last made very considerable further reductions, especially in the articles of tea, coffee, silks, linens, sail duck, and certain descriptions of woollens, amounting, after making full allowance for additions on a few small articles, to more than a million of dollars; Here the whole mystery is solved; the imports for the or, allowing for a proportionate amount of debentures, year from 1st April, 1831, to 31st March, 1832, amount making a deduction from the nett revenue, calculated in to the enormous sum of $115,394,891; and every on that table, of full $800,000, and reducing the entire nett conversant with the state of trade during that period must revenue, on the basis then assumed, below $12,000,000. be aware that it is precisely that in which the overtrade If, then, $56,489,000, the nett importation of 1830, gives commenced and reached its crisis. If any doubt the fact a nett revenue of $12,000,000, under the law of last of this overtrade in the year 1831, I would refer them to July, $66,200,000, the nett average import of the last six the series of questions propounded by the gentleman 4th quarter ending Dec. 30, 1830, 820,465,508 to 1831, 21,920.495 3d do 1831, 22,948 340 to 1832, 33,697,130 28,083,858 to 1832, 23,045,95 31,693,418 to 1832, 22,373,887 103,191,124 101,036,697 JAN. 22, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. OF R. from New York, [Mr. CAMBRELENG,] to the President of But, sir, there are other ominous givings out in the the United States Bank, during the last session, the chief official communications. The President, in his late mesobject of which was to show that this great overtrade was sage, after recommending a proper adaptation of the reowing to the increased issues of the United States Bank. venue to the wants of the Government, proceeds: "In The fact of the overtrade was admitted, and the differ- effecting this adjustment, it is due, in justice, to the inence between the gentleman from New York and the terest of the different States, and even to the preservaPresident of the Bank was simply that the former charg- tion of the Union itself, that the protection afforded by ed the Bank with having caused the overtrade, by an im- existing laws to any branches of the national industry, proper increase of its circulation, whilst Mr. Biddle in- should not exceed what may be necessary to counteract sisted that the Bank had merely met the demand for an the regulations of foreign nations, and to secure a supply increased circulation, resulting from an increase of trade. of those articles of manufacture essential to the national It is not my purpose to discuss the question which party independence and safety in time of war. If, upon inves was in the right. It is unquestionably true that overtrade tigation, it shall be found, as it is believed it will be, that and a greatly expanded bank circulation are always coin- the legislative protection granted to any particular intccident; they act and react upon each other, and it is not rest is greater than is indispensably requisite for these always easy to say which is cause and which is effect. It objects, I recommend that it be gradually diminished; and is evident, then, that here was a year of great overtrade, that, as far as may be consistent with these objects, the which has greatly increased the official returns of imports whole scheme of duties be reduced to the revenue standfor the years 1831 and 1832, and that those returns form ard as soon as a just regard to the faith of the Governno proper basis of calculation for the future, without ment, and to the preservation of the large capital investjoining with them the two preceding years of restricted ed in establishments of domestic industry, will permit." importation, 1829 and 1830. If other evidence be re- These communications have been, not inaptly, comquired of the danger of taking the years 1831 and 1832 pared to the responses of the Delphic oracle, which every as a criterion for the future, it may be found by a refer- party was able to interpret according to his wishes. So ence to our exports. It is evident that there must be a here the text admits of a liberal or narrow construction; pretty near correspondence between our domestic ex-it may be made to cover the whole ground of the Ameriports and the nett amount of our foreign imports which are received in exchange for them. Accordingly, we find the exports of domestic produce for six years, from "Those who take an enlarged view of the condition of 1825 to 1830, average $57,400,000; whilst the imports of our country, must be satisfied that the policy of protecforeign goods for the same period, after deducting foreign tion must be ultimately limited to those articles of domes goods exported, average $60,200,000. Now the exports tic manufacture which are indispensable to our safety in of domestic produce for the years 1831 and 1832 average time of war. Within this scope, on a reasonable scale, it $62,175,000; whilst the imports of foreign goods, after is recommended by every consideration of patriotism and deducting those exported, average $79,900,000; making duty, which will doubtless always secure to it a liberal an excess, from the proportion which our imports bear to and efficient support. But, beyond this object, we have exports, for the preceding six years, of about thirty already seen the operation of the system productive of millions of dollars; that is to say, our imports have out-discontent." can system, or exclude it altogether. But other intimations of a more alarming character follow. run or gone in advance of our exports that sum, and must There is no great ambiguity here; and the plain Engwait for the latter to come up with them. We accord-lish of it is, that the whole system of protection to ingly perceive a great falling off in the imports of the American industry must be swept by the board. That last two quarters of the year ending September 30, 1832; system, which for sixteen years has been acquiring stabifive millions in the first, and nine millions in the second, lity and strength; which has brought the country to a as compared with the corresponding quarters of 1831. state of prosperity of which the annals of the world afford This falling off must continue much longer, unless this no parallel; this whole fabric is to be swept away with a balance against us is paid for by loans. We have, in fact, haste and rapidity unexampled in our legislation. made loans to the amount of twelve millions on this ac- Is it pretended that the system is not a wise one in itcount; seven millions by the bank of the State of Louis-self? No, sir, not that I am aware of. This very Coniana, negotiated by the Barings, and five millions by the gress have, by a large majority, affirmed the wisdom of United States Bank against the three per cents.; the last, the system; they have, in public estimation, given assurto be sure, is only temporary, and is only postponing the day of payment for a year. It is very true that some gentlemen calculate on a great increase of importation, in consequence of a reduction of duties, and a consequent increase of the revenue; but I cannot agree with them in the latter result; the increase will be in free goods, or goods paying little duty, and the probability is, there will Can such things be? Is this a Government of the people? be a corresponding diminution in commodities paying a Government of public opinion? A distinguished gentlehigh duties; so that the revenue is as likely to be dimin-man of South Carolina, [Mr. MCDUFFIE,] in a speech of ished as increased. the last session, drew a most glowing picture of the op ance to the system by the act of last July. And yet this same Congress are now called upon to retract all their opinions upon this subject, and, at the bidding of Executive power, to place their names on record, in black and white, in everlasting, if not in damning contrast with themselves. I trust, Mr. Chairman, that I have made it apparent pression and tyranny growing out of the democratic form that the basis of an average of six years, as adopted by of Government, a Government of majorities, of king the Secretary of the Treasury, is as high an amount of Demos. Methinks the form of our Government is changimports as it is safe to assume in relation to the revenue; ed. It seems to be a perfect monocracy. We are living and that we have no ground for believing that the revenue under a new dynasty: and, perhaps before the close of will, for years to come, exceed fifteen millions of dollars. the session, the same gentleman may favor us with a euI am myself fully of opinion that it will fall short of that logium on king Monos. Is it not so, sir? May we not, sum, and thus the operations of the Treasury, for three with equal truth, ask, in the language put into the mouth years to come, will be very much cramped, instead of of Cassius by the great dramatic poet, in reference to our being burdened with an excess. There is no good Julius Cæsar: reason, then, why we should pass this bill on the alleged ground of a necessity of reducing the revenue to the expen liture of the Government. That has been done already. VOL. IX.--76 "When could they say before, who talked of us, What is the ground for this change? What is the pre 1 H. OF R.] ter. text? It is said the South is discontented; that the South well argued by speculative writers, on grounds which considers the tariff unequal in its operation, perhaps un- might prove very correct in a world destined to universal constitutional. South Carolina has placed herself in an at- peace, and actuated by a spirit of universal philanthropy. titude of opposition to the Government; and the Atlantic But, unhappily, these speculative theorists have not made States, south of the Potomac, will join her, and secede the slightest progress in persuading their own nations to from the Union, unless the tariff system is repealed instan- adopt their views in practice. And is there an individual This is the ground, and the whole ground, on which on this floor who will have the temerity to maintain that it is expected that this bill will pass. But does this House the opening our ports on the principles of free trade to believe that this system acts oppressively and injuriously other nations closing their doors upon our productions, upon any portion of the Union? The admission would be would not be to prostrate our industry and prosperity at an admission of their own shame, unless some new light, the foot of foreign nations? to submit to pay them presome new conviction, has burst in upon them. If that be cisely what tribute they choose to levy upon us? the case, it must have been by intuition. The allegation I except, however, from this inquiry the gentlemen of is, that the system operates unequally and injuriously up. the South Carolina school, and yet they are the last whe on the States employing slave labor, whilst it is beneficial can, with any consistency, deny the general expedienty and advantageous to the States employing free labor. of the protecting system, because one of their strongest r And what, Mr. Chairman, is the argument to support this guments to show the inequality of the system, is, the proposition? In the whole discussion of the last session, statement of the fact, that the whole North is flourishing I heard no argument used to establish this partial injury, in unprecedented prosperity under the influence of the but the argument invented by the gentleman from South system, from which circumstance the truly logical infer Carolina, [Mr. MCDUFFIE,] and which has since, under ence is drawn, by a process of argument equally logical, the influence of that gentleman's eloquence, been adopt- that this prosperity must, of necessity, be subtracted from ed by the State of South Carolina, as the ground of her their own. The most that can be said of any real inequa proceedings. It may, therefore, now be properly called lity in the system is this, that, whilst the intended and er the South Carolina theory. That theory is, that the farm-pected effect of attracting capital into the protected ers and planters who produce the articles which are branches of industry has been operative and effectual in the exported from a nation, bear the whole burden of the tax Middle and Northern States, the same result has not been levied in impost duties on the commodities imported into produced in those of the South. The reason must be that nation, whether they consume any portion of those either because the profits of slave cultivation are so grea commodities or not; in other words, that a duty of forty as to leave no inducement to employ capital in manufac per cent. on imports consumed in the North, takes forty tures, or that the effect of slave labor is to indispose the bales of cotton out of every hundred produced by the white population to that persevering and thrifty industry cotton planter. This illustration has also given it the necessary to the prosecution of these branches, and c name of the forty bale theory." which the prosperity of the North depends. It is no an swer to this argument to say that slave labor cannot be employed in manufactures. Suppose it cannot, there is white labor enough. The white population of the States who complain most of this system, is upwards of two I am not going to discuss the argument by which that theory is supported; that was done sufficiently at the last session. But, I ask if there are ten members of this House; perhaps there are ten; but I boldly ask, are there twenty who believe in that argument? Nay, more; are millions. there twenty men in this nation, north of the Potomac, In fact, however, although not acting so quickly, the having any acquaintance with commercial operations, or system seems beginning to act effectually in many of those any knowledge of the science of political economy, who States. Maryland was among the first to adopt, and took do not consider the theory a mere rhapsody of metaphy- the lead in supporting, this system. Virginia, I am told, sical sophistries? All may not be able to unravel the web is proceeding rapidly' in the establishment of manufac so ingeniously put together; but all perceive that it is, tures. I understand several cotton mills are building, as and must be, false. well as in operation, both in Richmond and Petersburg Now, I aver that I know of no other argument which I am informed by an honorable gentleman of Georgi goes to show the operation of the tariff to be unequal in [Mr. CLAYTON,] that twelve or fifteen cotton mills are its character, but this South Carolina, or forty bale theory. building in that State, to share in those profits which, at The supporters of that theory expressly admit that its the last session, he informed us he was making himself in supposed inequality rests solely on that argument; and that business. Several establishments are making in Lon that if impost duties fall exclusively on the consumers of isiana, and I believe also in Mississippi. And it would the foreign commodities, there is no inequality in the case. seem that the fanatics, who are hurrying South Carolina The only other argument entitled to any consideration is to her ruin, are acting under the conviction that the systhis: that certain products and manufactures of the North, tem, left to itself, would soon work itself into favor, even consumed in the South, are enhanced in price by the pro- in their own region. tecting tariff, and thus operate to their especial injury. The only ground, after all, on which the immediate But, to my apprehension, this argument resolves itself in- and hurried action of this House can be justified, is, tha to the general question of general expediency, so often it is necessary to the preservation of the Union. Good discussed and so often decided in both branches of the heaven! Mr. Chairman, has it come to this? Has the National Legislature. If Virginia pays an extra price for tional bond of union, under which every citizen of these Pennsylvania iron, so does New England. If Virginia pays United States has grown proud, even to a by-word amongst an extra price for New England woollens, so does every those foreigners who visit us, become so weak, that it man in New England. The great interest of New England, cannot be trusted to hold together for a single twee as of all the other sections of the Union, is agricultural; month? Impossible! Nothing in private life is and I should be glad to be informed how the wheat grow-hazardous than to act under the influence of panic. er of Virginia Suffers more from the system than the can hardly be less so in legislating upon the vital interests wheat grower of New York, or the grazier of Massachu- of a great and growing empire. Can it be strengthening setts; all of whose productions are regulated by the price the Union, for this Legislature, before the echo of the in foreign markets, as well as that of the cotton planter. President's message can return upon the capitol fre The question of the advantages of a system of free distant mountains, to do an act which shall be felt inser trade, or of duties protecting home productions, is a ques-vein and artery of the body politic? Can it be pres tion of theory against practice. Free trade has been very ing the Union, for its chosen guardians to abandon in at |