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set of manners, and a different government another set, is a fact obvious to every one; though it is only philosophers who think it of importance to observe the adaptation of these various institutions to the production of a state of things still more various.' "Where the "government of a nation is altogether republican, it is apt to beget a peculiar set of man66 ners. Where it is altogether monarchical, "it is more apt to have the same effect; the "imitation of superiors spreading the national "manners among the people. If the governing part of a state consists altogether of

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merchants, as in Holland, their uniform way "of life will fix their character. If it consists "chiefly of nobles and landed gentry, like "Germany, France and Spain, the same effect "follows. The genius. of a particular sect of "religion is also apt to mould the manners of "a people. The English government is a mix"ture of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy.

The people in authority are composed of gentry and merchants. All sects of religion "are to be found among them. And the "great liberty and independence which every

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man enjoys, allows him to display the manners peculiar to him. Hence the English, "of any people in the universe, have the least

"of a national character; unless this very singularity may pass for such."*

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A family affords in miniature a good representation of a tribe or people. The principle of imitation and mutual sympathy, so powerful in human nature, leads the little members of this little community to resemble, not merely their parents, but often one another, in disposition, manner and genius. This principle accounts for that similarity of character to be met with among people of the same district, of the same county, and of the same kingdom. We insensibly assume the habits of thinking and action of those with whom we associate. It is not necessary, therefore, to maintain, as some have done, that physical causes occasion the diversity of diversity of manners observable in different nations; this is sufficiently accounted for, and certainly not less intelligibly, by the unbounded influence which moral causes exert on the mind. The laws of association,like those of gravitation,are uniform in their action; their force is felt in the various scenes and occupations of life; we may easily assign to their operation, therefore, that variety of moral phenomena which distinguish the different nations of our globe.

* Hume's Essay on National Character.

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As to the obstacles which retard national improvement, they may in general be considered as arising from political institutions, from national religion, or from the prejudices and habits of the people.

(1.) Political institutions. These have an astonishing power in creating or destroying the happiness of mankind; in augmenting or counteractîng, and diminishing national opulence and prosperity. In legislating, therefore, for the human race, it is necessary, not only that statesmen should mean well; they should of all others be the most enlightened. In this case, benevolence, unaccompanied with general views, and a considerable portion of that foresight which embraces the interests of distant ages, as well as the happiness of the present times, will unfortunately do much harm. The very eagerness to do good, will, it is probable, prompt to an interference in circumstances in which every such interference must be injurious.

There is no principle in political science more conformable to truth than this, that the prosperity of the community is best promoted by leaving every individual to pursue, without any other restraint than that which eternal justice and equity imposes, his own interest in that way which he may conceive most agreeable

to himself. Happy had it been for Europe, and the world, if this maxim had regulated the conduct of its rulers! Every branch of human industry and labour would then advance in its natural order; and without entertaining any visionary prospect, we might confidently expect the certain though gradual amelioration of human enjoyment. Men will improve themselves, if the circumstances in which they are placed furnish a stimulus to that improvement; they will also acquire wealth, if their industry be rewarded and its effects enjoyed; and, generally speaking, they will become intelligent and virtuous, if the means of obtaining knowledge be fairly placed within their power.

"What is the species of domestic industry "which his capital can employ, and of which the "produce is likely to be of the greatest value, "every individual, it is evident, can, in his local "situation,judge much better than any states"man or lawgiver can do for him. The states66 man, who should attempt to direct private

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people in what manner they ought to employ "their capitals, would not only load himself with "a most unnecessary attention, but assume an

authority which could safely be trusted, not "only to no single person, but to no council or "senate whatever, and which would nowhere be "so dangerous as in the hands of a man who had

folly and presumption enough to fancy him"self fit to exercise it.*

"That security which the laws in Great Bri“tain give to every man,that he shall enjoy the "fruits of his own labour, is alone sufficient to "make any country flourish, notwithstanding "absurd regulations of commerce; and this se

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curity was perfected by the revolution. The "natural effort of every individual to better his "own condition, when suffered to exert itself "with freedom and security, is so powerful a principle, that it is alone, and without any “assistance, not only capable of carrying on the society to wealth and prosperity; but of sur

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mounting a hundred impertinent obstructions "with which the folly of human laws too often "incumbers its operations; though the effect "of these obstructions is always more or "less either to encroach upon its freedom, or to "diminish its security. In Great Britain indus"try is perfectly secure; and though it is far "from being perfectly free, it is as free or freer "than in any other part of Europe."t

It is, no doubt, natural to every being possessed of power, to wish that others should have proofs of its existence. And statesmen must feel inclined to perpetuate their fame and aggrandise their country by the effect of their * Smith's Inquiry, v. ii. p. 182.

Ibid, v. ii. p. 319.

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