they have been well enough; in fact, very well for the most part; but Peter will never forget the anxiety of last summer when the youngest one was ill and the doctor seemed very far away. Peter hesitated a long while about taking his children from the open-air life they had been living; but after reading somewhere that the death rate in New York City was lower than in the rural districts of the State, he felt easier on that score. As to the children's education, there was nothing to hesitate about. The little district school a mile and a half from the farm was just better than no school at all; while in town even the slum children, with the public schools, and the settlements, and the boys' and girls' clubs, and what not, had a thousand times better chance than any child on that farm could have. At least so Peter thought. He may have underestimated the education that the farm itself could give, though he did not overlook it.

Finally, and this sums it all up, Peter was going where there were people, and where people, acting together and living together, could do more for themselves than any of them could do alone.

There are a great many Peters, and Peters' wives, and Peters' children. People are going to the city by scores and by thousands because they feel that there life is more expanding than in the countrymore civilized.

They go to the city because men can do together in the city work that they could not do alone, because they can defend themselves together against their enemies, whether they be human foes or the hostile forces of disease; can, by acting together, educate and train themselves and their children; can enjoy together a common social life in the city as they cannot in the country. People live together in the city on grounds, then, of common industry, common protection, common education, and common social life.

The prime purposes of the government of a great city should be the promotion of these objects on behalf of all the people of the city-the promotion of a sound, just, and efficient industrial life, of an effective system of mutual protection, of a constantly improving plan for the education and development of the children and the adults of the city, and of a wholesome, happy, and civilizing social life.

It is important that a city should have clean and well-paved streets, and a good

police department, and good methods of transportation. No city can be called really well governed which does not supply these and administer them efficiently and economically. After all, however, these things are incidental to the main purposes for which people go to live in cities. They do not go. there to build streets, or to arrest one another, or merely to travel back and forth. They travel back and forth, they establish a police force, they build and keep streets in repair, for the purpose of furthering their real ends of work-self-protection, education, self-development, diversion, social life.

Sometimes such things as playgrounds and parks, recreation piers, museums and libraries, school lunches, municipal theaters, municipal markets, model tenements, social centers, have been discussed as if they were frills and furbelows. As a matter of fact, they come very close to the real objects for which cities exist. Great are the advantages produced by cities. The great civilizations of the past have expressed themselves in cities: Babylon, Jerusalem, Athens, Rome, Venice-the very name of each of these cities is emblematic of some phase of human advancement. We do not think of their streets, or their police, or their means of transportation. We think rather of their literature, or their commercial triumphs, or their religious ideals. or their schools of learning, or their treasures of art. These are the things for which cities exist.

What has all this to do with the Fusion campaign in New York City in this year of grace?

No one knows what are the prizes of city life better than some of the enemies of the city. These are they who make these prizes a matter of privilege. The curse of Tammany Hall upon the city of New York is not merely that it has allowed the streets to be scandalously ill repaired and unclean, that it has allowed the police force to become corrupted at the top, and that it has encouraged graft in providing for means of transit; but that it has kept the benefits of city life in large measure from the mass of the people and turned them over as far as it dared to the privileged and favored few. By its misgovernment it has made, on the one hand, the slums, and, on the other hand, the rich grafters. It has craftily seized on the inheritance of the people, and by doling out alms and charities it has kept the appearance of

care for the popular welfare while it has divided the major part of the inheritance among its own followers and favorites. That is why Tammany is the enemy of the people of New York. That is why Tammany has opposed, in the name of conservative business, every movement to make the government of the city of New York a people's government. It is Tammany that has blocked the efforts to supply New York with better parks and playgrounds. It is Tammany that has made slow the progress out of the old conditions, when tenement-houses produced money for the few and disease for the many.

The Fusion fight in New York is a fight not primarily on behalf of the taxpayer that his taxes may not be exorbitant, though it is in part that, nor primarily a fight to secure efficient administrators of the business of the city as a corporation, though it is that in part also; it is chiefly a fight on behalf of just such people as Peter and his family; a fight on behalf of the people who, unlike Peter, were born and bred in the city, but stay there because of the same reasons that have brought Peter into it; a fight to see that the benefits of city life which Peter is seeking for his wife, his children, and himself go to them; that the city of New York is a place in which it will be good to work, good to get an education, good to find wholesome recreation, good to enjoy the treasures of literature and of the arts, good to meet and live with people-good not for a few but for all.

That is the fight that is on whenever a municipal election approaches in almost every city of the land; that is the fight that is on between the forces of Tammany and the forces of Fusion. This is what is meant by the Fusion campaign for economy in administration that the people's money be not so wasted that the people are denied the full benefits of its use. This is what is meant by efficiency in administration: that the servants of the people be not outclassed by the servants of special interests, that no group of powerful individuals within the city should have command of greater ability and expert service than the people as a whole. This is what is meant by the attack on graft and official collusion with the criminal and the vicious that the machinery of city government be not manipulated to the advantage of the worst elements in the city and to the profit of a few corruptionists, but that it be controlled in the interest of all the people.

This is what the municipal campaign in New York City this year signifies; this is what every municipal campaign should signify -not merely a campaign against corruption and inefficiency, but a campaign on behalf of a cityful of people.

回

THE PRESIDENT'S MEXICAN POLICY

The Mexican question is for the American people a double question: First, What is the duty of a strong and prosperous nation like the United States to a neighbor torn by civil dissensions and without a government which has either the moral right to govern or the power to fulfill the fundamental function of government, the protection of persons and property? Second, What is its duty to Americans and other non-Mexicans in that unhappy country, where persons and property are not protected? President Wilson deals with this question in his Message in an admirable spirit. And in the main his policy as there outlined seems to The Outlook to be wisely conceived, and we hope it will be carried out.

I. For knowledge of the facts in Mexico the people are dependent on three sources of information: letters from Americans resident in Mexico; the newspaper press; official information. The first are almost certain to be colored by personal and pecuniary considerations; the second are likely to be affected by political and commercial bias and by the desire for sensation. The official information is more trustworthy than either private letters or press correspondence. When the President informs Congress, and through Congress the people of the United States and of the world, that affairs are growing worse, not better, in Mexico, and that war and disorder, devastation and confusion, seem to threaten to become the settled future of the distracted country," we must assume that this is the truth.

II. It would be immoral for the United States to recognize this government. There are two possible grounds for such recognition: A de facto government may demand and receive recognition, because it does in fact govern; does preserve law and order and maintain peace. On this ground the world powers had no choice but to recognize the Government of Napoleon III, although it was founded on a coup d'état.

A

de jure government may ask recognition when it is clearly in the right, and recognition 'may be granted in order to aid it to acquire the stability necessary to protect persons and property and maintain peace. Of this an illustration is afforded by our course in Panama. But the Huerta Government is neither de jure nor de facto. It is not de jure, for it was initiated by crime and is founded on crime. It is not de facto, for it has not the power to perform the most elemental functions of government.

III. Intervention for the purpose of performing these elemental functions, that is, protecting persons and property in Mexico, ought not to be undertaken except under the most imperious necessity.

Because intervention by one nation in the domestic affairs of another nation is never to be attempted if it can be avoided.

Because intervention might arouse against the American people the bitter and implacable hostility of practically the entire Mexican people, and the suspicion if not the enmity of the Central American and the South American Republics.

Because it would entail upon the United States a problem the extent, duration, complexity, and expense of which it is impossible to forecast.

IV. There remains the policy outlined by President Wilson, well entitled the policy of "isolation." It may be described in a sentence thus: Refuse moral support to the immoral and incompetent government of Huerta; draw a cordon around Mexico for the purpose of preventing the shipment from the United States of munitions of war to any of the factions which are now keeping the country in anarchy; keep steadily before the people of Mexico the assurances of our friendship and the offer of our good offices;

and wait.

V. The advice to Americans to leave Mexico if they can has been questioned and may be questionable. But it can be defended on three grounds:

First, that, accompanied by provision for their transportation, it gives to possibly hundreds of our fellow-citizens opportunity of escape from an intolerable condition of suffering and peril.

Second, it emphasizes to the Mexican Government and to the world powers our conviction that Mexico is in a condition of anarchy, with no government able to perform the functions or worthy to assume the name.

Third, it avoids, as far as possible, the semblance of weakness by the warning that those who are responsible for the sufferings and losses of Americans unable to get away will be held to a strict accounting by the United States.

VI. In all dealings with foreign nations it is the duty of the American Nation to maintain a coherent and continuous policy. As long as the United States has been a Nation it has been its policy to defend its citizens from oppression and injustice in every part of the world. For this we fought

with Great Britain the War of 1812. That policy must not be abandoned now. The Outlook has no reason to apprehend that President Wilson intends to abandon it. It is also the duty of the American people to maintain a united front toward other peoples, to disregard all partisan considerations, and as far as possible to subordinate to the National judgment individual opinions upon questions of detail. In doing so they must necessarily act through the Administration in power. For this reason we. are glad to see the policy of the Administration receiving the warm support of Progressives and Republicans in Congress, and we hope that it will receive such a support from the country as will convince the Huerta Government that it has no defenders on this side of the border.

B

THE PHILIPPINES IN

POLITICS?

By the appointment of Francis Burton Harrison to be Governor-General of the Philippines, and the consequent displacement of the present Governor-General, Cameron Forbes, President Wilson has raised in the minds of many who are jealous for the fine record which the United States has made in those islands no little grave concern.

Some of the arguments against the retention of the Philippines as a dependency by the United States have been quite ignored by the American people. These are the arguments which have appealed to purely selfish considerations. In the American people there runs a strain of idealism and with regard to the Philippines this idealistic strain has shown itself most conspicuously in the attitude of the American people and their Government. To those who have argued that the Philippines would bring to this country no profit, but rather a loss, that the pacification of the islands would call for the sacrifice

of men and of property with no material reward, the people of the United States have paid practically no heed.

When, however, it was argued that the task of governing a dependency was one for which by training and tradition the American Republic was unfitted, that it called not only for experience in colonial government which the Americans lacked, but also for a separation of such government from considerations of party politics, the American people were more inclined to listen. Could the President of the United States and Congress forget party politics long enough to decide questions that concerned the Filipinos purely in the Filipinos' interests?

From the beginning of the Philippine experiment The Outlook believed that they could. The history of the last fifteen years has been justifying that belief. First the Philippines were put into the charge of the army, and the army's freedom from party politics was never more clearly exhibited than in the work that the army did in the Philip pine Archipelago. Under the administration of the first Civil Governor. Mr. Taft, this record of freedom from politics continued. When a successor to Mr. Taft was required because of Mr. Taft's appointment as Secretary of War, the Republican President chose a Democrat, and he chose him because this Democrat had had experience in the Philippines as a member of the Philip pine Commission. General Wright's successor was selected by the same Republican President from among the men who had had experience in the civil government of the Philippines. Mr. Ide had had even wider experience than in the Philippine Islands, for before being Vice-Governor of the Philippines, before being even a member of the Philip pine Commission, he had been United States Commissioner to Samoa, and then, under the joint appointment of the Governments of England, Germany, and the United States. Chief Justice of Samoa. The fact that he was a Republican had no weight in his ap pointment, one way or another. Whether hus successor. James F. Smith, was a Democrat or a Republican we do not believe that one But of a thousand of our readers could tell. We are under the impression that he was a Democrat but what was of controlling consideration in his appointment was the fact that he had served in the Philippines first as an army officer, during which time he was in turn Deputy Provost-Marshal of Manila,

member of the Commission to confer with the Commission from Aguinaldo, Military, Governor of the Island of Negros. and Collector of Customs for the Philippines, thus as an army officer having not only military but administrative experience in the islands: then later he served as Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines, and afterwards as member of the Philippine Commission and Secretary of Public Instruction. His successor is the man who has now been supplanted. Cameron Forbes, who, before he became Governor, was in turn a member of the Philippine Commission and Secretary of Commerce and Police in the Government, and then Vice-Governor.

In this history of the Governorship of the Philippine Islands the United States has been following up what may be well regarded as perhaps the best in the traditions of the colonial government of Great Britain.

Under how many political changes of administration in the British Government at London the Earl of Cromer remained undisturbed at his post in Egypt. President Wilson. who is a student of history, could probably tell at once. During the period from 1883 until 1907 the political complexion of the House of Commons and the British Government seesawed back and forth between Conservative and Libera!. But, more than that. Lord Cromer was experienced in the problems of colonial government before he was appointed. He was in turn private secretary to the Governor-General of India, Commissioner on the Egyptian Public Debt. Comptrolier-General of Egypt. Financial Member of the Council of the GovernorGeneral of India. In view of the very brief experience of the United States in the government of dependencies, the similarity of the previous records of the Governors-General of the Philippines and of the great British administrator in Egypt is remarkable.

The contrast which President Wilson has now offered to the country is one which to the friends of good government both in the United States and in the Philippines is painful.

What is the record of the man whom President Wilson has selected to succeed Cameron Forbes? In the first place, he has had not the slightest experience in the administration of dependencies, not the slightest experience with those delicate and difficult problems that arise in personal relations between a dependent people and their governing authorities. He has indeed had, so

far as we can find out, no administrative experience whatever. He has been a member of Tammany Hall ever since he has been in public life, and during his terms as a member of Congress he has been not only a strong Democratic partisan, but a faithful member of the group of Tammany Congressmen. He voted along with other Tammany men to sustain the Cannon régime and the Cannon methods. We have heard no adequate, no even plausible, explanation for his appointment-except one. Mr. Harrison is a member of the Ways and Means Committee in Congress. The Chairman of this Committee has succeeded to the former powers of the Speaker, and is an almost autocratic party leader. The present Chairman of that Committee, Mr. Underwood, may possibly go into the Senate. If the selection of his successor as Chairman were made by seniority, Mr. Harrison would be chosen. The leaders of the party, so the explanation runs, want, not Mr. Harrison, but another member of the Committee to succeed, and the easy thing is to get Mr. Harrison to step out by asking him to step up. We are far from saying that this is the true explanation of Mr. Harrison's appointment, but of all the explanations we have heard it is the only one that even approaches the plausible. That questions regarding the policy of Philippine independence have entered into this selection we cannot seriously believe. Mr. Harrison has had no special qualification for coming to any conclusion regarding such a policy, or of adapting and modifying administrative methods in accordance with such a policy. We describe, for instance, elsewhere the report recently issued concerning slavery in the Philippines. There is nothing to indicate in the slightest degree that Mr. Harrison has any qualifications whatever in dealing with such a difficult problem, whether in the light of one policy concerning Philippine independence or another. The fact, if it is a fact, that Manuel Quezon, the Filipino delegate to Congress, recommended Mr. Harrison's appointment is of no relevance except as it indicates that to the mixture of American partisan politics with Philippine affairs there is added the ingredient of Filipino party politics.

The office of the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands is the greatest administrative office that is filled by the appointing power of the President of the United States. It is reasonable for the American people to expect and require that it shall not be made

the means of rewarding party workers or building up party organizations.

BLOT THEM OUT!

A man in his youth was profane, impure, and dishonest. Then the horror of his sin came upon him. In the eyes of the world his would be called but the beginnings of sin, but to himself he stood in the line with the blasphemous, libertines, and bank defaulters. He made the fullest reparation in his power, and no one was hurt, and no one knew of his sins. The years went by, and he was beloved, honored, and respected in the community, the husband of a pure, devoted wife, and the father of beautiful children. Is this man a hypocrite and still in sin because he cannot endure the shame and suffering of laying before the world and his beloved ones the truth of his earlier years? And-are repentance and remorse the same?

To both questions emphatically No! Repentance is abandonment of sin; not from fear of its consequences, but from a hatred of sin itself. He who has abandoned sin and done all in his power to repair the evil which the sin has wrought has experienced full and adequate repentance. No sorrow is of any use which does not lead to such abandonment.

When the sin has been thus abandoned, the wrong-doer has simply to ask himself, How can I best promote the life of purity and goodness and truth in my own life and in the life of my fellow-man? To lay before the world and one's loved ones the history of past sins, long, since abandoned, has no tendency to promote the life of purity, goodness, and truth. It would have rather the reverse tendency. The Bible says that when we have repented of our sins God buries them in the depths of the sea, blots them out of the book of his remembrance, remembers them no more against us forever. We are to follow his example. When we have abandoned our sins and made all the reparation possible, we are then to bury them in the depths of the sea, blot them out of the book of our remembrance, remember them no more forever. Bunyan in his "Pilgrim's Progress" illustrates this truth. When the Pilgrim came to the Cross of Christ, the burden which he had been bearing rolled off from his shoulders and disappeared, and he saw it no more. It would have been worse than folly for him to have turned around, gone back to his burden, and bound it on his back again, that he might show it to his fellow-travelers as he went upon his journey.