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6. A man truly faithful, that is, such a one who is endued with a justifying faith, is certain, with the full assurance

7. Saving grace is not given, is not granted, is not communicated to all men, by which they may be saved if they will.

8. No man can come to Christ, unless it shall be given unto him, and unless the Father shall draw him; and all men are not drawn by the Father that they may come to the Son.

unlearned,' whose attainments frequent- | and the Spirit of God justifying, is not ly did not allow them to see even the extinguished, falleth not away, it vadifficulties which it involves. The opi- nisheth not away in the elect, neither nions of many persons in Cambridge finally nor totally. did not correspond with what had been taught by Calvin with regard to predestination; and in a sermon preached before the University, William Barret, | of faith, of the remission of his sins, fellow of Caius college, denied the ab- and of his everlasting salvation in solute decree of reprobation without re- Christ. spect to sin, and the certainty of faith, affirming that Christians might fall from grace. Being called upon to answer for this supposed heterodoxy, he was enjoined to make a public recantation drawn up by the heads themselves, which act he performed in so very negligent a manner, that he was again summoned before the authorities. Upon this he complained to the archbishop, and when his recantation was examined, it was found to contain the denial of doctrines generally received in the church, and to be as objectionable as those opinions which he had broached; (he recanted, for instance, "that sin is the proper and primary cause of reprobation.") In this part of the proceeding another dispute arose, as to the final jurisdiction of the university over its own members, and when this was amicably settled, the matter was discussed in the archbishop's palace; and the Lambeth Articles were the fruit of the conference.

§ 464. 1. God from eternity hath predestinated certain men unto life, certain men he hath reprobated.

2. The moving or efficient cause of predestination unto life, is not the foresight of faith, or of perseverance, or of good works, or of any thing that is in the person predestinated, but only the good-will and pleasure of God.

3. There is predetermined a certain number of the predestinate, which can neither be augmented nor diminished.

4. Those who are not predestinated to salvation shall be necessarily damned for their sins.

5. A true, living, and justifying faith,

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9. It is not in the will or power of every one to be saved.

Whatever may be the opinion of any individual reader, as to the truth of these articles, it will require but little powers of criticism to remark the dogmatical manner in which they are expressed, and to observe how different their tone is from the language of Scripture, and the articles of our church. Nor can we be surprised if such a decision failed to produce peace in the university or elsewhere, and excited the displeasure of those who cared for the tranquillity of the church. One of the professors, Baro, immediately opposed the errors which these articles were calculated to produce, and was examined in consequence before the heads; and it was only by the quiet interference of the archbishop, that this poor man, who had taught divinity in Cambridge for many years with no higher a stipend than twenty pounds per annum, escaped the loss of even this trifling pittance; and that for preaching doctrines which are in perfect accordance with the articles of the church of England."

5 Strype's Whitgift, ii. 286.

6 Montague, in his Appello ad Cæsarem, (p. 55 public authority. And Collier asserts the same -72,) says that these articles were forbidden by (ii. 645;) but Fuller doubts this; (ix. 231;) and though perhaps Elizabeth might have commanded the archbishop to suppress them, yet as they were drawn up by no authority, but merely by some bishops and divines who met at Lambeth, they never were the doctrines of the church of Eng. land, though they might express the opinions of some of her most exalted members at that period. Strype's Whitgift, ii. 290.

995

§ 465. The advancing age of the vinced of his error, that he declared his queen and the archbishop tended much sorrow for "the unnecessary troubles to soften down the asperities which pre- he had caused in the church by the vious events had excited between the schism he had been the great fomenter contending parties, and the government of; and wished he was to begin his life of Whitgift was crowned towards its again, that he might testify to the world latter end with more peace than had the dislike he had of his former ways.' marked his early labours; and however The writings of Hooker and Bancroft peremptory1 some of his conduct may had, under God's providence, been very appear, he was a sincere reformer of instrumental in producing this happy abuses, and entirely free from many effect, and we have only to lament that faults which are but too apt to degrade the question had not been more left to the higher clergy in the eyes of the the force of reason for its answer. people. In the House of Commons, When the nonconformists began to purindeed, in 1598 and 1601, some at- sue a line of conduct which interfered tempts were made to interfere with with the civil rights of the establishecclesiastical matters, but the objects of ment; when they adopted such meathe bills brought forward were totally sures as would tend to overthrow the changed. The framers of them now crown, unless a timely restraint were tried to reform real abuses which ex- put upon them, it was absolutely necesisted in the establishment, not to destroy sary that the authority of government and undermine the establishment itself. should repress their meetings; but perThey complained of excessive fees, haps much of the opposition to episcoof delays, of unnecessary citations, pacy arose from the manner in which while grievous sins were left untouched, the judicial powers of the bishops were as well as other abuses in the bishops' exercised. The final repentance of courts. They objected to pluralities, to non-residence; and though the authority of the queen put a hasty stop to these attempts, yet the attention of the government was directed to the subjects, and such remedies were devised by the archbishop and his colleagues as were calculated to obviate the evils for the future.

2

§ 466. The quiet of the church was also much promoted by the maturer judgments of those who had been chiefly instrumental in causing the disturbances. Robert Browne, the founder of the sect called Brownists, the first body of separatists from our church, became wiser as he grew older, and returned once more into her bosom; and Cartwright, who had fought among the foremost of the party, was so con

Sir G. Paul speaks in such high terms of the gentleness of Whitgift, in the passage where he alludes to this charge, that the epithet may appear to have been applied rashly; (Words. Ecc.

Biog. iv. 371;) but some of his expressions about
Cartwright are very warm; (Strype's Whitgift, i.
96;) and in giving his sentence concerning the
heresy of Christ's sinning, he says, "This is my
resolution, which I would have you and all men
to know. And those that shall impugn this, or
teach to the contrary, I will prosecute with extre-

mity, and to extremity;" (Strype's Whitgift, ii.
65;) words which are at least peremptory.
2 Strype's Whitgift, ii. 374.
3 Ibid. ii. 445.

4 Ibid. i. 619.

such a man as Cartwright is one of the strongest testimonies in favour of the hierarchy. He had been far from exhibiting the worst specimen of those who had opposed the cause of the established church; he had possessed knowledge for the investigation of truth, and carried with him much zeal for reformation; he had experienced some harsh treatment, and had given way to a schismatic spirit in his own proceedings; but with him the truth. prevailed, and he saw his error before his death; nor is it improbable that the later kindness of Whitgift might have helped in producing this effect. It is possible that the diabolical spirit of schism, with which some of this party were infected, who, in the hopes of remedying evils which they could see, ran themselves into ten thousand greater evils, of which no one could foresee the extent, and who set at defiance every law which Christianity has given us for our guidance, might not have been restrained without the strong hand of power; but much connivance, and much more personal kindness, were perfectly compatible with the severe enforcement of general obedience; and

5 Strype's Whitgift, ii. 460.

though the peace now produced may point, however, was this fault so conbe attributed to the previous severity, spicuous, as with regard to the church; yet the success of the line of policy which had latterly been pursued, and the tranquillity which accompanied it, seem to plead most strongly in favour of lenient measures.

but the instances are far too numerous to be here recorded. The reader may be referred to an address of Whitgift to her majesty, which is given in Walton's Life of Hooker. Parsimony, § 467. (A. D. 1603.) The reign of Eli- however, was no further used than as a zabeth was now drawing to a close, after means of enabling her to govern; she a prosperous continuance of forty-four was unwilling to ask for money, lest years, over which the disastrous trou- she should become indebted to those bles of succeeding times have thrown who granted it. Of power, for its own so strong a glow, that we frequently sake, she was peculiarly fond; and in find a comparative estimate of the age no species of power did she take a in which we live falsely made in favour greater delight than in that which beof this period of our history. Eliza- longed to Eliza- longed to the supremacy-a point beth, as a governor-for in this light which was attacked by two descripalone is it fair to estimate her character tions of her subjects, the puritans and -was possessed of considerable talent, the Roman Catholics. The treatment which she generally employed to the which she wished to adopt with regard advantage of the state: whatever her to these two parties, and her decided weakness as a woman may have been, temper, are characteristically marked she selected her servants more accord- in an observation of her own, made ing to her judgment than her passions; to Malvesier, the ambassador from and in most of her transactions she was well served, and consulted the good of her subjects, as far as their welfare was consistent with her own plans or ideas. She regarded, if I may use the expression, the kingdom as her private property, and her object was to render the estate as good as possible. She had only a lifehold interest in the property, and was less careful, therefore, of the peculiar interests of her successor. From her disinclination to be controlled, she was always unwilling to make any calls upon the parliament, and sacrificed the property which belonged to the crown and the nation, for the sake of rewarding those who were about her; and thus converted to her own personal advantage that which ought to have provided for the wants of posterity. The same feeling gave a parsimonious turn to much of her conduct; it made her unwilling to spend money for necessary objects, and rendered her always much inclined to receive presents; it was this which made her guilty of an obvious meanness in seizing on the property of her favourite Leicester immediately on his death, in order to satisfy the sum in which he was indebted to her treasury. In no

1 Strype's Smith, 140, &c.
2 Strype's Ann. iv, 209.
3 Camden's Elizabeth, 420.

France.5 She told him "that she would maintain the religion that she was crowned in, and that she was baptized in: and would suppress the papistical religion, that it should not grow. But that she would root out puritanism, and the favourers thereof. And that she had rather be the last of her line without marriage, than Monsieur should innovate or alter any thing in her reformed church." And this line of policy seems to have been pursued systematically on her part.

§ 468. Had the Roman Catholics allowed her to follow her own designs, she would probably have used little severity towards them, as she was in some particulars certainly not adverse to them," and on several occasions, even after compulsion had begun, she exhibited an unwillingness to shed blood," and an inclination in their favour. But the prejudices of her Protestant subjects were offended at any kindness which was shown to their Roman Catholic breth

4 Wordsw. Eccl. Biog. iv. 233.
5 Strype's Ann. iv. 242.

6 Elizabeth may be said to have mixed up with her Protestantism many feelings favourable to Roman Catholic customs. She was fond of outward show in religion, as was visible in the whole question about the ecclesiastical dresses. She retained the crucifix in her own chapel, (§ 408 ;) she was adverse to the marriage of the clergy.

7 Strype's Ann. v. 188, 197.

ren; and we can feel less surprise that § 469. With all this, she possessed a the unjustifiable conduct of the more strong feeling of religion, was scrupuconspicuous members of that body lous in the observance of the outward should have exasperated the Protestants. offices of it, and from the judgment of With regard to puritanism, which she those who were best able to decide the hated, the question was totally different. question, (as far as one human being This faction owed much of its existence can form an estimate of another,) she to a spirit of insubordination, and was was truly religious. There is an answer coupled with a strong desire of estab- of hers to the House of Commons,5 lishing the civil liberties of the subject; towards the end of her reign; which but its votaries carried their notions of marks a most conscientious sovereign; freedom into the confines of libertinism, and the excuse for her errors, which she and Elizabeth was little likely to approve makes towards the conclusion of it, (viz. of a system, which directed the specu- that princes are often deceived by the lations of its followers to the strict ex- interested advice of their servants, who amination of what the law had already prevent the truth from coming to them,) settled. She was a great friend to edu- would be valid in her favour, had not cation, as the surest means of eradicating the whole political proceedings of this the power of the papacy; but she did reign placed the broad hand of authority not clearly foresee that the dissemination over every attempt which was made to of knowledge was incompatible with the remedy evils by free and impartial disabsolute power which she wished to ex- cussion. Her great qualities have met ercise. It was with the view probably with so many panegyrists, that it is unof checking investigation that she was necessary to dilate upon them. She ever hostile to multiplying sermons, and was perhaps the greatest monarch who the steps which she took to put a stop ever sat on the throne of England; but to prophesyings owe their origin to the the present generation has every reason same cause. Indeed, the peremptory to congratulate itself, that the real hapmanner in which she decided ecclesias-piness and prosperity of the subject have tical questions fell under the rebuke of been more substantially consulted in our Grindal, who told her, that church mat- own days. ters were to be settled according to the will of God, not her own; and that she too was mortal, and must answer before the tribunal of Christ. It was the same love of power, the same objection to being controlled in any way, which contributed to prevent her from marrying; and this disinclination to the married state in her own person, rendered her very tyrannical on this point with regard to all about her, and, combined with early prejudices, made her always adverse to the marriage of the clergy.

1 Strype's Parker, iii. 83, No. 27. 2 Strype's Grindal, 572, No. 9.

3 Sir Simon Degge tells us, "That priests' children, in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth, were fain to be legitimated. In the first and third of King Edward, all laws, statutes, and canons, against the marriage of priests, were made null and void. (See 311, 329.) And by another statute in the fifth and sixth of King Edward, it was adjudged and declared, that the marriage of priests was lawful, and legitimated their children, and made them capable to endow their wives, and to be tenants by courtesy. But these laws were repealed in the first of Queen Mary, and lay repealed all Queen Elizabeth's days, ( 360,) till the first of King James, and then the latter acts of King Edward were revived, and made perpetual,

§ 470. The immediate death of Elizabeth was attended with some painful circumstances, in the explanation of which, various historians have amused themselves; but the ordinary decay of nature, and the sufferings of ill health, in an old woman who had always followed her own inclinations as much as the queen,

and priests' children made legitimate." (Strype's
The act was unrepealed specifi-
Parker, ii. 461.)
cally, but the Injunctions of Elizabeth ( 406)

presume the legality of the marriage of priests,
and probably she deemed it virtually repealed in
the general terms which abrogated all the ecclesi-
astical acts of Mary. It is obvious, however, that
churchmen did not think so, for Archbishop Parker
calls his wife Margaret Parker, alias Harleston,
and procured the legitimation of his children: her
brother was the heir of Mrs. Parker. Elizabeth
would absolutely have forbidden the marriage of
the clergy, if Cecil had not interposed; she did
actually forbid the residence of women within
cathedral closes; (Strype's Parker, i. 212;) and
when Fletcher, newly made bishop of London, in
1594, "married a fine lady" as his second wife,
the queen banished him from court, "as being a
very indecent act for an elderly clergyman."
(Strype's Whitgift, ii. 215.) She was equally ar-
bitrary about the marriage of other persons con-
nected with the court.

4 Burnet, Ref. vi. 388, No. 63.
5 Camden, Eliz. 635.

seem fully adequate to account for her unpleasant condition. The earliest account of this event which is extant, and which is probably derived from the pen of some one who was present when it took place, is as follows: "The queen had for three weeks been labouring under a disorder which strongly affected her spirits, and produced a kind of stupor accompanied with appearances of insanity she could not be induced by reason, entreaties, or any contrivance, to try the effect of medicine; and there was much difficulty in persuading her to use such nourishment as was necessary for her animal support. The sleep which she enjoyed was very little, and that not taken in bed, but among pillows, on which she had accustomed herself to recline during whole days without moving her intellect remained to the last, though for three days she was unable to speak." Camden, too, describes her excessive melancholy and depression, and gives the generally received opinions concerning the cause of it: but adds, " And as she had done always before, in the prime of her age, so now much more, she refused all help of physic." She was attended in her last hours by Whitgift, Bancroft, and Watson her almoner,3 and partook with much satisfaction of the outward consolations of religion." On March 24, she was called out of the prison of her earthly body, to enjoy an everlasting country in heaven, peaceably and quietly leaving this life, after that happy manner of departure which Augustus wished for."

were points which they wished to be altered; and for the sake of effecting their purpose, they allowed themselves, and by their proceedings excited others, to direct their chief efforts towards nonessentials. They saw that the church of Christ was suffering from a want of attention to the important concerns of religion, and they were so far from relinquishing their prejudices, and coming forward to supply the defect, that they principally exerted themselves in fanning the flame of discord. They were perhaps unwisely dealt with; they were certainly treated with severity: but the injudicious conduct of their superiors could never be an excuse for their relinquishing their posts and duties, could scarcely even palliate the schismatic activity which many of them displayed. The blame of a want of concession, and of harshness of treatment, must be attributed first to the queen, and then to Parker, Aylmer, and Whitgift; and yet great caution is necessary in speaking of such men as the two archbishops were, to whom our church owes SO much. The alteration of opinions, arising from the change of times, makes it very difficult to estimate their conduct fairly: they were both upright, conscientious men, who had to strive against the jobbing dishonesty of the mass of the courtiers, and against the prejudices and wilfulness of the queen: they were little supported by many of their brethren the bishops: for what with the general ignorance of the times, which furnished no great supply of fit men; with the appointment to ecclesiastical offices from interest rather than merit; with the temptations to which high situations in the church expose those who fill them; the government in spiritual matters seems to have rested much more on the individual character of the rulers, than is ever to be wished. Nor can it be concealed that the ill-conduct of the dignified clergy themselves added much to the burden which was imposed on those who held the highest offices in the church. Burleigh, (1575,) in writing to Grindal, says, "that though he liked not the unruly reprehenders of the clergy Strype's at this time, yet he feared the abuse of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, both by

§ 471. In estimating the state of the church at this period, when it had now been established for forty years, we cannot but deplore the little progress which had been made in essentials. The time had been wasted in disputes about unimportant matters, and what had been settled, stood, as far as human institutions, are concerned, on no firmer basis than such as the caprice of a monarch or the prevalence of a party might have destroyed in a moment. The chief blame of this seems to rest with the leaders of the puritanic party. There

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