at the same time. It will be well, so to time the matter,

as that your letters may be in Williamsburg before the first of August, at which time, a meeting of the late representatives will take place, notwithstanding the return of the writs to the eleventh instant.*

I hope the good people of Boston will not loose their spirits under their present heavy oppression, for they will certainly be supported by the other colonies; and the cause for which they suffer, is so glorious, and so deeply interesting to the present, and future generations, that all America will owe, in a great measure, their political salvation to the present virtue of MassachusettsBay. I am, sir, with very singular regard,

Your most obedient,

and humble servant,

TO SAMUEL ADAMS, Esq., BOSTON."

RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[Samuel Adam's Reply.]

"SIR-I have lately been favoured with three letters from you, and must beg you to attribute my omitting to make due acknowledgments till this time, to a multiplicity of affairs to which I am obliged to give my constant attention. The unrighteous and oppressive act of the British Parliament for shutting up this harbour, though executed with a rigour beyond the intent, even of its framers, has hitherto failed, and will, I believe, continue to fail of the effect, which the enemies of America flattered themselves it would have. The inhabitants still wear cheerful countenances; far from being in the least intimidated, they are resolved to undergo the greatest hardships rather than submit in any instance to the tyrannical act. They are daily encouraged to persevere, by the intelligence they receive from their brethren, not of this province only, but every other

** They did meet on the first of August, to show that they met. according to their own appointment, and not in obedience to the king's writs.

colony, that they are considered as suffering in the common cause, and the resolution of all to support them in the conflict. Lord North had no expectation that we should be thus sustained; on the contrary, he trusted that Boston would be left to fall alone. He has therefore made no preparation for the effects of an union. From the information I have had from intelligcnt persons in England, I verily believe the design was to seize some persons and send them home; but the steadiness and prudence of the people, and the unexpected union of the colonies, evidenced by liberal contributions for our support, has disconcerted them and they are at a loss to know how to proceed further. Four regiments are encamped on our common and more are expected; but I hope the people will by circumspect behaviour, prevent their taking occasion to act. The port bill is followed by two other acts, one for regulating the government of this province, or rather totally to destroy our free constitution, and substituting an absolute despotic one in its stead; the other for the more impartial administration of justice, or as some term it for screening from punishment any soldier who shall murder an American, for asserting his rights. A submission to these acts will doubtles be required and expected; but whether General Gage will find it an easy thing to force the people to submit to so great and fundamental a change of government, is a question I think worth his consideration. Will the people of America consider these measures as an attack on the constitution of an individual province, in which the rest are not interested, or will they view the model of government prepared for us as a system for the whole continent? Will they as unconcerned spectators, look on it to be designed only to lop off the exuberant branches of democracy in the constitution of this province, or as part of a plan to reduce them all to slavery. These are questions, in my opinion, of great importance, which I trust will be thoroughly weighed in a general congress. May God

inspire that intended body with wisdom and fortitude, and unite and prosper their councils.

The people of this province are thoroughly sensible of the necessity of breaking off all commercial connection with a country, whose political councils tend only to enslave them. They, however, consider the body of the nation as kept in profound ignorance of the nature of the dispute between Britain and the colonies, and are taught to believe that we are a perfidious and rebellious people. It is with reluctance they come into any resolutions, which must distress those who are not the objects of their resentments, but they are urged to it by motives of self-preservation; and are therefore signing an agreement in the several towns, not to consume any British manufactures, which shall be imported after the last of August next, and that they may not be imposed upon, they are to require an oath of those of whom they purchase goods. It is the virtue of the yeomanry we are chiefly to depend upon. Our friends in Maryland talk of withholding the exportation of tobacco; this was hinted to us by the gentlemen of the late House of Burgesses of Virginia, who had been called together, after the dissolution of the Assembly. This would be a measure greatly interesting to the mother country.

Should America hold up her own importance to the body of the nation, and at the same time agree to one general bill of rights, the dispute might be settled on principles of freedom, and harmony be restored between Great Britain and the colonies.

I am, with great regard,

your friend and servant,

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, Virginia."

SAMUEL ADAMS.

Soon after Mr. Lee's return from Williamsburg, he procured a very full meeting of the inhabitants of Westmoreland. And after haranguing them on the state of affairs, and inveighing in bold and indignant terms

against the English ministry, dwelling in pathetic description on the sufferings of their countrymen in Boston, he proposed several resolutions. These expressed a warm sympathy for the people of that town, cheered them by assurances of support, and exhorted them to persevere in their manly resistance. The author has in his possession, a manuscript outline of Mr. Lee's harangue on this occasion, and a copy of the resolutions. A corresponding committee for his native county was now formed, and of it, he was a diligent member.

CHAPTER V.

MR. LEE used the utmost diligence as a member of the state committee of correspondence, to collect the sense of the different colonies, on the subject of a general Congress. He had proposed to the members of the House of Burgesses, after their dissolution, at once to recommend such a measure; but the majority preferred a course of more delay. He was apprehensive, unless he could assure the Assembly, (which was to meet the first of August,) that the other colonies approved the immediate adoption of the plan, that a recommendation of the measure by Virginia, would be again postponed. He was evidently prepared for the exigency of affairs; seeing clearly that a struggle would, very soon become, not only a duty, but a matter of necessity, he wished to prepare for it, the strength and the wisdom of all the colonies; and seems early to have entertained the idea, that no measure could be devised, so well calculated to ensure an effectual union, as a federal Congress. Such a body alone, he believed, could awaken the moral energies of the people, and apply and direct their physical powers. Hence he urged its adoption, with all the zeal of devotion to his country, and with all the force of his powerful and persuasive eloquence.

The first General Assembly of Virginia met at Williamsburg, on the first of August, 1774. In it were present all the conspicuous men of the state, among whom Mr. Lee ardently exerted himself to induce the adoption of every measure calculated to render his country able to meet even the worst event; distinguishing himself as a powerful, an eloquent, and an intrepid assertor of the rights of his countrymen. He strenu