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God, and evidently speaking under a conviction of duty, outweighed the most learned or eloquent speech of a secular orator. Not eloquence, not education, not business success or worldly wisdom availed against a simple, sincere utterance of unreasoned, but not necessarily unreasonable, conviction. The contrast between

the qualities of the Quaker ecclesiastic and the politician would inevitably draw different temperaments into the different stations. Some, like William Penn, might combine the two, but in many cases a line would be drawn growing more and more definite as the century advanced. Ultimately the ecclesiastical Quaker triumphed over the political, and the body settled down into a growing conviction that for them obedience to righteous laws and passive resistance to unrighteous ones constituted the burden of a Friend's duty to the government.

Such was in imperfect outline the character of the sect into whose hands the government of Pennsylvania was committed. There were in Philadelphia a number of men successful in commerce or professions whose families were better educated and who did not live such simple lives as their country brethren. It was the latter, however, by virtue of numbers and probably, also, of

spiritual power, which set their stamp upon Quakerism, and which deserve to be taken as the prevailing type. They were earnest men of quiet but strong convictions. Absolutely uncompromising in matters of principle they, perhaps, made the mistake occasionally of exalting custom to the level of principle. They knew very definitely what they believed, though they admitted no creed but the Bible, and asked no one to sign any articles. Quakerism was to them a life, not a set of beliefs. They required spiritual enduement as well as convincement as a qualification for reception into membership, still more for official station. Of infinite tenderness and forgiveness toward offenders, they refused all implication with sin. They demanded righteousness as sternly as the Old Testament and charity as perennial as the New. They possessed large ideas,-universal peace, civil and religious liberty, the embodiment in society of the Sermon on the Mount,—but many of them held these in rather a small way. Beaten into them by English persecution were the testimonies of the seventeenth century Friends, and in some respects they failed to make the necessary eighteenth century adjustment, but their sincerity destroyed hypocrisy, and the

sweetness of their lives exterminated bitterness. That which prevailed in meetings was honest simplicity and consistent integrity.

Their ruling power in relation to government was their conscience divinely instructed. This called for obedience, for reverence, for submission. They were thus the most peace-loving and peaceable of subjects, restraining themselves and their froward brethren; insisting on the full performance of all governmental duties;* but back of this it was perfectly known that legislation offensive to their convictions would be met by a resistance absolutely invulnerable, requiring more bravery than an open armed fight, and entirely sufficient in itself in time to conquer the offending legislation.

Political life was to them not an absorbing

"That inasmuch as some amongst us have refused to pay their respective Levies in this county to the support of Government and County charges, this meeting having taken the same into their serious consideration, do conIclude as followeth: That whereas we have been always ready and willing to assist and support civil government, do order that all be advised not to refuse the paying of any Levy lawfully demanded, and if any person be heady and stubborn, and not take advise by the Brethren, let them be speedily dealt with according to Gospel order, that so our holy profession may be quit of them and Truth kept clear." -Chester Quarterly Meeting, 3, VI., 1702,

question. They had their duty to perform in Pennsylvania and they meant to do it, but around all such questions flowed the higher life they desired to live, which found expression in their calm meditation, their communion with their brethren and their God, at home and in meeting, their quiet but active furtherance of moral reforms. They did not care for government, most of them did not need any; they wanted to lead unambitious lives of attention to domestic and religious duty. They prospered in business. The great, homelike houses and capacious barns of the Quaker counties are sufficient evidence of this. Their religion cost nothing of consequence, and it is possible their liberality did not always grow with their sense of justice and other virtues.

Their assemblymen did not ask their support. They asked their best equipped men to go to the Assembly and kept them there for years,thirty, in two cases at least. These men truly represented their constituencies, their strength and their weakness, their inextinguishable courage to do the right, their inability in some cases to see right in more than one way. They carried on during their ascendency the government of a

colony not inferior to any other in substantial freedom, peace and prosperity.*

"And now, Dear Friends and Brethren, we recom mend to you Peace and concord as the great fruits of charity, without which we are nothing; and that we labour to approve ourselves men of peace and makers of peace; which is our ornament, duty and ensign, as the disciples of Jesus. But if any be otherwise the churches of Christ have no such custom, nor can they therein be counten. anced or suffered; but so it is to the grief of our hearts, and scandal of our profession, that some laying claim to the same (in divers provinces within the verge of this meeting) have been too factious and troublesome in the governments under which they ought peaceably to live; and have by their seditious words, insinuations and prac tices disquieted the minds of others, to the making of parties and disturbances; and some under the fair colours of law and privileges have promoted their sinister ends; when indeed it was but to take vengeance against those whom they had taken disgust against. And this we can not but declare our just abhorrence of: that any should sacrifice the peace of the province to private revenge; warn all to beware of such; and wherever they find them, forthwith to deal with them, and to acquit our holy profession of them in a Gospel way. For by God's help, we have now for many years approved curselves peaceable subjects to them whom God by his providence hath set over us: first, to the King as supreme, and next, to those in authority under him; being subject, not for wrath, but conscience. But when at any time it hath pleased God to suffer the rulers that hath been over us to impose anything against our allegiance to God, we have patiently suffered under them till the Lord hath been pleased to open their understandings and mollify their hearts towards us; and this we also recommend to be continued amongst us.”—Yearly Meeting, 1701.

CHAPTER IV.

DEMOCRACY AND CIVIL LIBERTY.

Such a people would have had a government which would adequately express their beliefs and habits. It could not fail to be democratic, for equality was deeply ingrained in their religious doctrines; on its penal side it could not fail to be reformatory, for reformation was the characteristic of all their churchly efforts in dealing with offenders; it could not fail to demand individual rights to the full, for they had ever claimed for themselves the largest individual freedom. It mattered therefore comparatively little what William Penn's personal views were. The people who emigrated to Pennsylvania through his influence would sooner or later have moulded the State into the form it finally assumed. That it was done so quickly and effectually is, however, largely due to his substantial agreement and sympathy with his co-religionists. He held their views, and had suffered their sufferings, but unlike most of them he had a tolerably clear conception of the means to be used to achieve the results desired by all. He had experience

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