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THE dream of neutrality in Kentucky, | shore by the Falls of the Ohio. It was it was soon evident, must yield to the commanded by an ardent patriot, Colpractical realities of the day. While onel Lovell H. Rousseau, whose efforts legislators and politicians were passing in the Kentucky legislature to arrest the resolutions the people were acting for incoming tide of secession, we have althemselves. The sympathizers with the ready spoken of. These proceedings did rebels were freely enlisting in the Con- not escape the jealous vigilance of Govfederate army and bands of loyal citi- ernor Magoffin. We have seen his ill zens were enrolling themselves during success with the Governors of Ohio and the summer as Home Guards for the Indiana. He now fared little better with protection of the State. They were, the President of the United States. Adhowever, without arms and could accom- dressing an epistle to President Lincoln, plish little against the rebel influences at through a special embassy to Washingwork around them. In this condition of ton composed of two gentlemen of Lexaffairs, while the State was threatened ington, Mr. W. A. Dudley and Mr. F. with invasion on its southern frontier, K. Hunt, in terms of remonstrance at and the property of Union men was ex- the mustering of the national troops, he posed to pillage from the secessionist earnestly requested their withdrawal, militia or State guard raised by General urging his belief that if such a course Buckner at home, the Government at were pursued "the peace of the people Washington at length interposed, sup- of Kentucky would be preserved and the plied arins to the loyal citizens and mus-horrors of a bloody war averted from a tered their forces into her service under officers holding commissions from the United States. A camp of loyal men called together to protect the State, as a member of the National Union, from aggression from armed assailants without or within its borders, was formed in Garrand County. It bore the name Camp Dick Robinson, and was under the command of General William Nelson, a native of Kentucky, formerly an officer of the navy, who had entered the military service in 1855. It was of convenient access from East Tennessee and was reinforced by a regiment of loyal refugees from that region. There was another camp of note of loyal Kentuckians, named in honor of the patriotic orator, Camp Joe Holt. It was situated nearly opposite Louisville on the Indiana

people now peaceful and tranquil." The President received the embassy, on their arrival, with his accustomed courtesy, and a day or two after communicated to them his reply to the Governor, in the following letter:

WASHINGTON, D. C., Aug. 24, 1861. To His Ex'y, B. Magoffin, Gov. of the State of Kentucky.

SIR: Your letter of the 19th inst., in which you "urge the removal from the limits of Kentucky of the military force now organized, and in camp within said State," is received. I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon this subject; but I believe it is true that there is a military force in camp within Kentucky, acting by authority of the United States, which force is not very large, and is not now being augmented. I also believe that some

to the acts of the Federal Government,
which he held to account in this portent-
ous arraignment:
ous arraignment: "And now, address-
ing myself to the representatives of the
people of Kentucky, I protest, in their
name and presence, in the name of con-
stitutional liberty, and in presence of
heaven and earth, against all and every
of the President's usurpations, and un-
constitutional and illegal acts; and I
protest, furthermore, against the further
prosecution of a war professedly for the
object of restoring the government, an

arms have been furnished to this force by the United States. I also believe I also believe this force consists exclusively of Kentuckians, having their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, and not assailing or menacing any of the good people of Kentucky. In all I have done in the premises, I have acted upon the urgent solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what I believed, and still believe, to be the wish of a majority of all the Union-loving people of Kentucky. While I have conversed on this subject with many emin-object utterly impossible of attainment ent men of Kentucky, including a large majority of her members of Congress, I do not remember that any one of them, or any other person, except your Excellency and the bearers of your Excellency's letter, has urged me to remove the military force from Kentucky, or to disband it. One other very worthy citizen of Kentucky did solicit me to have the augmenting of the force suspended for a time. Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do not believe it is the popular wish of Kentucky that this force shall be removed beyond her limits; and, with this impression, I must respectfully decline to so remove it. I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in the wish to preserve the peace of my own native State, Kentucky; but it is with regret search, and cannot find, in your not very short letter, any declaration, or intimation, that you entertain any desire for the preservation of the Federal Union.

Your obedient servant, A. LINCOLN. The closing rebuke of the letter of the President was enforced by the potent voice of the people of the State, who in the recent elections for members of Congress and the State Legislature had given an overwhelming majority to the Union candidates. Notwithstanding, however, the latter convincing demonstration of the popular will, Governor Magoffin met the new Legislature in September with a message in the old strain of disaffection

by such insane means as a war of coercion; and I protest, moreover, against Kentucky being made a camping ground, or the pathway for the movement of forces, by either belligerent; and I recommend earnestly to the General Assembly the prompt passage of resolutions requiring both belligerents to keep off our soil, and to respect in good faith the neutrality which the people of Kentucky, with unexampled unanimity, in good faith desire to preserve. The valor and fortitude of the Southern people are underrated by those who imagine that they can be subjected to terms of humiliating submission by any military force which the North can possibly find means to maintain in the field. It is my opinion, therefore, that the General AsIsembly of Kentucky ought to declare, by solemn resolution, that this war ought to be instantly stopped. If it is not, our people, already oppressed by taxation, will be bankrupted, our markets destroyed, our trade ruined, our fields ravaged, every home made desolate and in mourning; and after the expenditure of all our treasure and the loss of a million of lives in the vain effort to subjugate the South, the belligerents at last will be compelled to negotiate a peace, the people and our children having been made barbarians, and the last hope of liberty extinguished. It is the policy of Kentucky to take no part in it. She should keep firmly her present position of neu

THE KENTUCKY LEGISLATURE.

trality, and when opportunity offers, as a mediator, present terms of peace and of settlement alike honorable to both of the contending parties."

However any one may be disinclined to approve of the course of Governor Magoffin in its bearing on the interests of the Government and the true welfare of Kentucky and the Nation, there certainly can be no hesitation in admiring the persistency and consistency of his Messages and Proclamations. But while he thus resolutely adhered to his convictions, he declared his intention to abide by the will of the people. "It is my duty," he said, "to execute all constitutional laws of the Commonwealth, and no matter what may be my opinions in regard to their wisdom, my respect for States rights, States sovereignty, and the will of a majority of the people is such as to make me acquiesce in their decision and bow in respectful submission to that will as long as I am a citizen of Kentucky." In justice to the people, it may be said, that they were not long in giving Governor Magoffin an opportunity to practice his democratic virtue.

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lar letter to the President of the Confederate States, asking for an "authoritative assurance" that the neutral position of Kentucky would be respected by that government, to which Jefferson Davis replied, that it would be respected "so long as her people maintained it themselves;" adding significantly, "if the door be opened on the one side for the aggressions of one of the belligerent parties upon the other, it ought not to be shut to the assailed when they seek to enter it for purposes of self-defence." In other words, when he required the soil of Kentucky for the purposes of his strategy, he would use it.

The occasion was close at hand. On the fourth of September, Major-General Leonidas Polk, the successor of General Pillow in the command of the Confederate army in Tennessee, ascended the river with several thousand troops from Memphis, and took forcible possession of the town of Columbus. It was an important station, as the event proved, having railway communication with the great southern lines in the interior, and commanding the waters of the Mississippi below the mouth of the Ohio. This was an invasion of Kentucky in earnest. Few persons could be honestly in doubt of the constitutional right of the general government to march its troops over the soil of any of the States; none whatever could hesitate as to the monstrous abuse of State sovereignty for another State or a combination of States, or a power calling itself Foreign, thus to enter and take forcible possession. General Polk, as an officer and gentleman, to say nothing of his position in relation to a Border State, felt himself called upon for an explanation, and he gave it in the form usual with all military commanders-he issued a proclamation. It was as follows:

The temper of the Legislature was not to be mistaken. More than twothirds of the members of both branches were decided Unionists. The special vote of the House to raise the old flag over their place of meeting indicated their resolve to support the national authority. Major Anderson was already on his way from Washington to Louisville, commissioned to execute that authority in his military department of the Kentucky and Tennessee. General Fremont, in his adjoining command covering Illinois and Missouri, was hastening his preparations on the Mississippi. All were indications of the advancing supremacy of the Union, not likely to be neglected by the Confederate command- Columbus, September 4, 1861. The ers. When Governor Magoffin wrote to Federal Government having, in defiance President Lincoln concerning the occu- of the wishes of the people of Kentucky, pation of the State by the soldiers of the disregarded their neutrality by estabUnited States, he also addressed a simi-lishing camp depots for their armies, and

66

by organizing military companies within site bank in formidable numbers, with the territory, and by constructing mili- their cannon turned upon Columbus. tary works on the Missouri shore imme- The citizens of the town had fled diately opposite and commanding Colum- with terror, and not a word of assurance bus, evidently intended to cover the of safety or protection had been addresslanding of troops for the seizure of that ed to them. Since I have taken possestown, it has become a military necessity sion of this place, I have been informed, for the defence of the territory of the by highly responsible citizens of your Confederate States, that a Confederate State, that certain representatives of the force should occupy Columbus in ad- Federal government are setting up comvance. The Major-General commanding plaints of my act of occupying it, and has, therefore, not felt himself at liberty are making it a pretence for seizing other to assume the loss of so important a pos- positions. Upon this course of proceedition, but has decided to occupy it. In ing I have no comment to make, but I pursuance of this decision, he has thrown am prepared to say, that I will agree to a sufficient force into the town, and or- withdraw the Confederate troops from dered them to fortify it. It is gratifying Kentucky, provided she will agree that to know that the presence of his troops the troops of the Federal government be is acceptable to the people of Columbus, withdrawn simultaneously, with a guarand on this occasion he assures them anty, which I will give reciprocally for that every precaution will be taken to the Confederate government, that the insure their quiet and the protection of Federal troops shall not be allowed to their property, with all their personal enter or occupy any point in Kentucky and corporate rights." In further ex- in the future. planation or apology for this transaction, General Polk, some days after, addressed this letter to Governor Magoffin :

The author of this proclamation, General Polk, a native of Tennessee, had been educated at the Military Academy Columbus, Kentucky, September 9th. at West Point, graduating with credit at Governor B. Magoffin: I should have that institution in 1827, when he entered dispatched you immediately the troops the National service with the rank of under my command, took possession of Second Lieutenant of artillery. In a this position, the very few words I ad- few months, however, he abandoned the dressed to the people here; but my du- profession of arms for another of a very ties since that time have so pressed me, different character. He studied divinity that I have but now the first leisure time and took orders in the Protestant Episto communicate with you. It will be copal Church, where he rapidly rose to sufficient for me to inform you, which my its most responsible office, being conseshort address here will do, that I had crated Bishop of Louisiana in 1838. He information on which I could rely, that was considered a zealous and high toned the Federal forces intended, and were officer of the Church, and was known by preparing to seize Columbus. I need his efforts to promote the cause of edunot describe the danger resulting to cation at the South. Possessed of conWest Tennessee from such success. Re-siderable wealth, an accomplished scholalizing my responsibility, I could not ar, a large slave owner, and a strenuous permit them quietly to lose, through the supporter of what were called "Southcommand entrusted to me so important a ern Rights," he exercised much influence position. In evidence of the informa- in the promotion of opinions in that retion possessed, I will state, as the Con- gion of the country. His advocacy of federate forces occupied this place, the Secession at the breaking out of the Refederal troops were formed on the oppo-bellion, was no doubt an important aid

MAJOR GENERAL POLK.

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charge of the defence of that part of the Valley of the Mississippi which is embraced within the boundaries of Division No. 2, I hereby assume command. All officers on duty within the limits of said

in the furtherance of that political heresy, through the influence which the precept and example of a man of his high character and position must have had with the better portion of the community. Certainly it was in one way a mas-division will report accordingly. In aster stroke to secure him as a military suming this very grave responsibility, leader, and convert the highly respected the General in command is constrained Right Reverend Bishop Polk into a Maj- to declare his deep and long-settled conor-General in the Confederate service. viction that the war in which we are enHe had, we are told, some hesitation in gaged is one not warranted by reason or assuming the office, and while it was be- any necessity, political or social, of our ing urged upon him, consulted his friend existing condition; but that it is indefenthe venerable Bishop Meade of Virginia, sible and of unparalleled atrocity. We as to its acceptance. If we may trust have protested, and do protest, that all the Richmond correspondent of the New we desire is to be let alone, to repose in Orleans Picayune, who published an quietness under our own vine and our account of the interview, Bishop Meade own fig-tree. We have sought, and only reminded his visitor "that he already sought, the undisturbed enjoyment of the held a commission in a very different inherent and indefeasible right of selfarmy to which he held allegiance till government-a right which freemen can life's journey ends.'" To this truly never relinquish, and which none but tyChristian and apostolic intimation, Bish-rants could ever seek to wrest from us. op Polk is stated to have replied in this Those with whom we have been lately remarkable language: "I know that associated in the bonds of a pretended very well and I do not intend to resign fraternal regard have wished and endeait. On the contrary, I shall only prove vored to deprive us of this, our great the more faithful to it by doing all that birthright as American freemen. Nor is in me lies to bring this unhallowed and this all; they have sought to deprive us unnatural war to a speedy and happy of this inestimable right by a merciless close. We of the Confederate States war, which can attain no other possible are the last bulwarks of civil and relig- end than the ruin of fortunes and the deious liberty; we fight for our hearth-struction of lives, for the subjugation of stones and our altars; above all we fight Christian freemen is out of the question. for a race that has been by Divine Providence entrusted to our most sacred keeping. When I accept a commission in the Confederate army, therefore, I not only perform the duties of a good citizen, but contend for the principles which lie at the foundation of our social, polit-surdities ever enacted, of all the hypocical and religious polity."

That we may do no injustice to the spirit which governed Bishop Polk in accepting his command, we cite the words of the Proclamation or order which he sent forth, as his first official act in his new capacity of Major-General: "Headquarters Division No. 2, Memphis, July 13, 1861. Having been assigned to the

"A war which has thus no motive except lust or hate, and no object except ruin and devastation, under the shallow pretence of the restoration of the Union, is surely a war against Heaven as well as a war against earth. Of all the ab

risies ever practiced, an attempt to restore a union of minds, and hearts, and wills like that which once existed in North America, by the ravages of fire and sword, is assuredly the most prodigious. As sure as there is a righteous Ruler of the Universe, such a war must end in disaster to those by whom it was inaugurated and by whom it is now prose

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