monster procession, which should march with the petition and present it to Parliament. This demonstration filled the people of London with alarm, the wildest stories were invented and believed, the Government took every precaution to prevent a popular rising, and the Duke of Wellington had soldiers stationed so as to be available on the shortest notice. When the day of the demonstration arrived, on April 10, the assembly was not greater than might be gathered at a first rate temperance meeting; no procession was formed, and Mr. O'Connor presented the petition, which was received by the House as an ordinary piece of business. When closely examined, it was found that not more than two millions of signatures were attached, and of these many were manifestly jokes and forgeries. The report on the petition so amused the House, that it burst into laughter, in the midst of which the petition was carried out. The Chartist movement collapsed, but many of the demands it contained have been conceded, and this age will not pass away without seeing some others become law.

The foreign policy of the Government was in the hands of Lord Palmerston, who for years had been in training in the Foreign Office. His name is associated with the independence of Belgium, and with Constitutional government in Spain and Portugal. He had to guide affairs while civil war raged in Switzerland and revolutions were convulsing Europe. But all these things had been done so quietly that the country had very little idea of the hand that was so well doing its work until the quarrel with Greece over the Don Pacifico affair led to a vote of censure upon the Government in the House of Lords, condemning its foreign policy. In the House of Commons, however, Lord Palmerston made his defence in a speech five hours long-a defence so powerful and convincing, that the Government came off victorious. Lord Palmerston was then recognised as a Statesman who understood the moods and desires of the English people, who would support British interests all over the world, and protect a British citizen wherever he might be, just as a Roman citizen was protected in the days of the great Empire. Hardly, however, had he gained this signal victory than he experienced a reverse of fortune he little expected, and that from the Queen. It was the result of the peculiar temperament of his lordship, who loved, as he expressed it, to make 'a stroke off his own bat.' He often, while Foreign Secretary, wrote dispatches without consultation with his colleagues, and many steps were taken which never would have been taken had any one had a hand in the business save himself. Many times the Queen was not aware that the country was committed to a line of policy till she

heard of it from abroad. This so annoyed the Queen and Prince Albert and the Government, that it was necessary to lay down, in decided terms, the course Lord Palmerston must follow in the conduct of business. But he was soon at his old practices again, and the crisis 'came in 1851, when it was known that, without consultation with anyone, he had approved the coup d'état of Louis Napoleon, the Prince President of the French Republic. True, he had not approved it in his official capacity; but it was enough for Napoleon to know that he would have no opposition from Lord Palmerston. Lord Palmerston was dismissed from office, and not a few thought he was gone for ever. While Prince Albert was busy carefully considering the tendency of the Foreign Secretary's policy and chafing under the slights put upon the Queen by that self-willed Minister, he found more congenial employment in the great Exhibition of 1851. The first idea of it belonged to the Prince, and by his influence and energy mainly was it carried out successfully. He first suggested it to the Society of Arts in June, 1849. Then a scheme was laid before a meeting of bankers and merchants, and then was formed the Commission to manage the whole. By the majority of people the project was looked upon with great pleasure, while many expected it would usher in the reign of universal peace; but not a few looked upon it with suspicion, and were afraid of the foreigners it would bring into the country. The Palace of Glass began to rise in Hyde Park, and when completed was itself one of the chief attractions of the Exhibition. Articles of all kinds and from all nations came in and filled every court and foot of space, and on May 1 it was opened by the Queen in the presence of a company almost as distinguished as that which assembled at her coronation. All passed off in peace, and the enthusiasm was genuine and general. The opening was a success, and during the five months it was open success never deserted it. But it neither ushered in the reign of universal peace, as some expected, nor did it lead to disaster and ruin, as others feared.

The Empire is Peace,' said Louis Napoleon, now that he had attained the object of his ambition and was proclaimed Emperor. But such words could not obliterate the painful impression which had been made a year before, when the coup d'état became known in this country. A profound and unpleasant conviction remained that he could not be trusted; that, following out the traditions of his family, he would seek to make a name by some grand and warlike policy, and probably attempt to avenge Waterloo. Anyhow, it was well to be prepared. The army and navy must be looked to, and the militia

must be reorganised. To effect the latter purpose, Lord John Russell introduced his Militia Bill, the principal point of which was to substitute a local militia for the regular force. But it was opposed, not only by the Conservatives, but by Lord Palmerston, and on it the Ministry was defeated by ten votes. And now Lord Palmerston had, as he expressed it, his 'tit for tat with John Russell,' and the Government resigned.

Lord Derby then formed his Ministry, composed of himself and Mr. Disraeli, for the other members were men of small note and ability. Lord Derby had some notion of returning to Protection, but Mr. Disraeli's political sagacity told him that there was no chance of doing so successfully. As Chancellor of the Exchequer, he made a fairly good impression, and raised hopes that, another Session and in happier circumstances, he might be able to do great things for the nation. The business of the expiring Parliament was wound up as quickly as possible and it was dissolved.

While the elections were going on the Duke of Wellington died at Walmer Castle on September 14, 1852, at the ripe age of eighty-four. Though he was the most successful general of his day, he had no love for war, and as soon as possible laid by the sword and gave himself to the good of his country by the cultivation of the arts of peace. His patriotism, his loyalty to duty, his singular affection for his Sovereign, made a far deeper impression on the hearts of the people than did his wonderfully-successful career as a soldier. Honours were showered upon him, he was looked up to and consulted as an oracle, and to the end enjoyed the love of his countrymen. When he died a public funeral was decreed, and his body was borne to St. Paul's Cathedral through silent crowds that lined the streets and thronged the windows and balconies on the route.

On November 4 the newly-elected Parliament assembled. The Conservatives were in a minority when the dissolution took place, but hoped their position would be improved by the election. That hope had not been realised to any important extent-it was still a Ministry on sufferance and liable to be turned out at any time. Much depended upon Mr. Disraeli's Budget, which could hardly fail to offend either the farmers, the Free Traders, or the Peelites; and in the end he succeeded in offending all together. His speech was remarkably clever, and showed that he could produce a Budget if the party to which he belonged would permit it. In order to conciliate his party, he proposed the reduction of the malt tax; but, to cover the deficit, he

proposed to double the house duty. It was soon evident that he had to fight a battle for existence, and he fought fiercely, and, apparently, successfully, making a most violent attack upon Sir C. Wood, his predecessor in office, until Mr. Gladstone sprang to his feet, and, in a most memorable speech, demolished the Budget and overthrew the Government. From that time till Mr. Disraeli took refuge in the House of Lords as Lord Beaconsfield, a period of twentyfour years, these two great men continued rivals in power and in Parliamentary debate.

The remainder of our review of the Victorian Age must be reserved for the April Number.

JOHN GAIR.

IX.-CURIOSITIES OF

PURITAN NOMENCLATURE.*

THE author of this book has been exceptionally well placed to write a good work on the subject which he has selected. Himself a clergyman of no mean standing, and bearing a name known throughout the length and breadth of the land, there would open out to him many opportunities of acquiring from the register kept at the parish churches the information he required. His position, first as incumbent of St. Ann's, Manchester, and then as vicar of Ulverston, would bring to him the practical sympathy and help of those who had possession of the registers throughout the country. In addition to this, Mr. Bardsley's personal qualities would win for him the kindly regard of all those with whom he came in contact during the time he was engaged searching mouldy records nearly three hundred years old. But these things would go for little or nothing unless they were accompanied by earnest application and deep enthusiasm. The work done by Mr. Bardsley must have been immense, and surely at times dry and wearisome. Whatever labour he may have bestowed on the subject, he is well repaid by having produced such a pleasing and instructive work. Under the title of Prologue Mr. Bardsley adverts to the pet-name period in England, and informs us that no Bible names were to be found in this country at the time of the Conquest, and proceeds to intimate that the Norman not merely conquered the Englishman on the battle-field, but that the Norman names also overthrew the English names. The Normans could boast only a small list of names; and these names, being used not merely to designate the conquerors, but the conquered also, and spreading over the whole of England, caused great confusion, owing to many persons being called by the same name. Various attempts were made to remove the difficulty. One method was by the adoption of surnames. This was not sufficient for each man to preserve his individuality, especially in common conversation, and Mr. Bardsley says, 'The difficulty was naturally solved by, firstly, the adoption of nick forms; secondly, the addition of pet desinences. Thus Emma became by the one practice simple Emm, by the other Emmott.' The necessity of these nick and pet forms is amply demonstrated, as Mr. Bardsley shows, by the fact that about

Curiosities of Puritan Nomenclature, by CHARLES W. BARDSLEY. Chatto and Windus, Piccadilly, London, 1880.

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