the perfect silence of the human Consciousness, grounding all on an equivoque of the word I!' And further: 'The same contradiction between the Heart and the Reason-nay, worse than the Necessitarians. They preach the wisdom of considering the Assassin=the Dagger: but Fichte says that Duty or the law of Conscience is the Voice of God-that for man there is no other truth but this and in this: yet this very voice commands him to act, and feel what he knows to be a lie and unjust. All this by a juggler's trick of dividing his individuality into the knowing and the acting (handelnde) man!'

PAGE 102 1. 7. Schelling's Natur-Philosophie, &c. Schelling's Ideen zu einer Phil. der Natur was first published in 1797; a second edition, a recast of the former (durchaus verbesserte Auflage) appeared in 1803. Schelling also published in 1799 an Entwurf zu einem System der Natur-Philosophie: oder Ueber den Begriff der speculativen Physik.

19. the dramatic lectures of Schlegel. Cp. Biog. Lit. i. 22 f. n., and note.

22. all the main and fundamental ideas. Cp. letter to J. T. Coleridge, 1825 (Letters, p. 375): 'All the elements, the differentials ... of my present opinions existed for me before I had seen a word of German metaphysics, later than Wolf or Leibnitz. But what will this avail ? A High German transcendentalist I must be content to remain.' And to J. H. Green (1817: Letters, p. 683): As my opinions were formed before I was acquainted with the schools of Fichte and Schelling, so do they remain independent of them, though I con- and profess great obligations to them in the development of my thought, and yet seem to feel that I should have been more useful if I had been left to evolve them without knowledge of their coincidence.' And to Robinson he said (Diary, &c., May 3, 1812), that from Fichte and Schelling 'he had not gained one great idea'. This assertion is in harmony with Green's own opinion. (See letter to Sara Coleridge, Biog.

Lit. 1847, Introd. xxxiv.)

In

PAGE 103 1.6. Schelling has lately... avowed. This avowal was made, as Archdeacon Hare first pointed out (see Biog. Lit. 1847, i. 164), some eleven years before. See Schelling, Werke I. vii. 120: 'I am not ashamed of the names of many so-called enthusiasts, but I will avow openly and make it my boast that I have learnt from them, as soon as I can make that boast justly.' a marginal note (date uncertain) to Schelling's Philosophische Untersuchungen über das Wesen der menschlichen Freiheit, &c. (quoted Biog. Lit. 1847, i. 303), Coleridge writes: 'How can I explain Schelling's strange silence respecting Jacob Boehme? The identity of his system was exulted in by the Tiecks at Rome in 1805, to me and these were Schelling's intimate friends. The coincidence in the expressions, illustrations, and even in the

mystical obscurities, is too glaring to be solved by mere independent coincidence in thought and intention.' Here Coleridge seems to write in ignorance of Schelling's acknowledgement to Boehme. (See also Crabb Robinson, Diary, &c., Aug. 13, 1812.)

F.N. Mr. Richard Saumarez, surgeon to the Magdalen Hospital, London. He also published A Dissertation on the Universe in general, and on the Procession of the Elements in particular (1796); Principles and Ends of Philosophy (1811), and other works. PAGE 104 1. 4. Kant's followers, &c. Cf. Schiller's epigram, 'Kant's Ausleger':

Wie doch ein einziger König so viele Bettler in Nahrung
Setzt. Wenn die Könige bauen, haben die Kärrner zu thun.

9. To Schelling we owe, &c. Coleridge is here more complimentary to Schelling than of wont. Cp. Letter to J. H. Green, 1817 (Letters, 683): 'Schelling is too ambitious, too eager to be the Grand Seignior of the allein-selig Philosophie to be altogether a trustworthy philosopher. But he is a man of great genius: and, however unsatisfied with his conclusions, one cannot read him without being whetted or improved': and marginal note to Schelling's Philosophische Untersuchungen über das Wesen der menschl. Freiheit, &c. (Biog. Lit. 1847, App. I, 311): The more I reflect, the more I am convinced of the gross materialism which underlies the whole system.' This note probably belongs to a later period in Coleridge's life. C. Robinson (Diary, &c., June 3, 1824): Coleridge metaphysized à la Schelling while he abused him.'

PAGE 105 1. 10. the 1st volume of his collected Tracts. Schelling's Philosophische Schriften, Erster Band, Landshut, 1810 (the only one published in this edition).

12. a small pamphlet against Fichte. The Darlegung des wahren Verhältnisses der Natur-Philosophie zu der verbesserten Fichte'schen Lehre (1806) (Werke I. vii, pp. 1-130).

19. Albeit, I must confess. Milton, The Reason of Church Government urged against Prelaty, Bk. II, ch. i (ref. Biog. Lit. 1847).

PAGE 106 1. 7. Simon Grynaeus. The same passage is quoted in The Friend, 1818 (Third Introductory Essay), with some difference of reading. Simon Grynaeus (1493-1541) was a learned theologian and philologist of the Reformation.

13. Est medius ordo, &c. Barclay's Argenis, Lib. I, Leyden, 1630, pp. 63-4. There are (as is pointed out in Biog. Lit. 1847) some omissions from the original.

22. As therefore physicians. From Hooker's Eccles. Polity, Bk. I, § 8, with omissions and slight alterations (ref. Biog. Lit. 1847).

PAGE 107 1. 3. Che s'io non erro, &c. Satire di Salvator Rosa, La Musica, I. i. 10 (ref. ib.).

CHAPTER X

PAGE 107 1. 9. Esemplastic. Coleridge has been accused of
borrowing this word from Schelling, who uses the phrase 'In-
Eins-Bildung des Einen mit dem Vielen' [Darlegung des wahren
Verhältnisses der Natur-Philosophie zu der verbesserten Fichte'-
schen Lehre, 1806, pp. 61-2, Werke I. vii. 60], and 'In-Eins-
Bildung des Realen und Idealen' [Vorlesungen über die Methode
des academischen Studiums, Werke I. v. 348]. Coleridge was ac-
quainted with the first of these works. But it is more probable
that he coined the word himself from the suggestion given him
by the German Einbilden, Einbildungskraft, the etymology_of
which he misapprehended. See A. P. 1810 (p. 236); Biog. Lit.
1847, i. 173.

16. pedantry consists, &c. The following passage on the use
of terms also appears, in slightly different language, at the
beginning of Essay III of the Essays On the Principles of Genial
Criticism (Biog. Lit. ii. 228).

PAGE 108 1. 23. Darwin in his Zoonomia. Zoonomia, or Laws
of Organic Life, by Erasmus Darwin (first edition: London, 1794-6).

PAGE 109 1. 4. sensuous. 'A coined word, used by Milton.'
Skeat, Etym. Dict. s.v. Hobbes uses sensual assensuous: so also
Hooker (quoted in Johnson's Dict.). See A. P., p. 123: 'Our language
wants terms of comprehensive generality, implying the kind, not
the degree or species, as in that good and necessary word sensuous,
which we have likewise dropped, opposed to sensual, sensitive,
sensible, &c., &c.

9. intuition. (1) 'Ready power of perception': so used by
Jeremy Taylor (Great Exemplar, i. 36, &c.); (2) 'perception
divinely bestowed' (J. Taylor, Worthy Commun., speaks of St.
Paul's faith by intuition'; and Baxter of 'intuition of spirits');
(3) immediate perception of an object: so defined by Hooker in
a passage quoted by Coleridge in Essay III of the Essays on
Criticism. (See Biog. Lit. ii. 230.)

14. objective and subjective. The old scholastic sense of
'objective', in which it is also used by Descartes and Spinoza, was
nearly equivalent to the modern 'subjective'. Objective essence
was opposed to 'formal essence'. (See Hamilton's edition of Reid's
Works, 1863, p. 803, f. n., where the history of the distinction
is given.)

19. encouraged and confirmed, &c. This distinction, as a dis-
tinction of terms, is not clearly made by the seventeenth century
divines, nor indeed before Kant; but they recognize the distinction
of things to which it corresponds. Cp. Coleridge's Notes on
English Divines (1853 ed.), i. 18: 'In Hooker and the great
divines of his age, it was merely an occasional carelessness in

the use of the terms that reason is ever put where they meant the understanding; for, from other parts of their writings, it is evident that they knew and asserted the distinction, nay, the diversity of the things themselves,' &c. See also pp. 60, 98, 263; ii. 139. The Cambridge Platonists laid great stress on the distinction, and in this, as in the importance they attached to the divine witness of conscience, they may have prepared Coleridge for Kant. (See John Smith in Cambridge Platonists, ed. E. T. Campagnac, p. 139; Principal Tulloch, Rational Theology and Christian Philosophy in England in the Seventeenth Century, i. 381.)

22. both life and sense, &c. Par. Lost, v. 485. For 'in kind' the original has 'of kind'. Italics and capitals, it is hardly neces sary to add, are Coleridge's.

PAGE 110 1. 5. To establish this distinction was one main object of The Friend. To Stuart Coleridge spoke of The Friend as 'a work for the development of Principles' (Letters from the Late Poets to D. Stuart, 1880, p. 117): and in a letter to Estlin (Estlin Letters, Dec. 1808) he writes: 'The first essay will be on the nature and importance of Principles. The blindness to this I have always regarded as the disease of this discussing, calculating, prudential age.' So too he wrote in the first number of The Friend: 'My object is to refer men to Principles in all things.' In the first issue of the Prospectus it is stated that one main purpose of The Friend is to provide 'Consolations and Comforts from the exercise and right application of the Reason, the Imagination, and the Moral Feelings'.

The distinction of Reason and Understanding may have been long familiar to Coleridge, but it was no doubt in Kant that he first learned its value as a weapon against the empiricists and necessitarians. In a letter to Poole (Jan. 1804; Letters, 454) he speaks of having found his way out of that labyrinth-den of sophistry (Necessitarianism), and of bringing with him 'a better clue than has hitherto been known, to enable others to do the same'. This 'clue' was no doubt the distinction of Reason and Understanding, which he had now scientifically formulated. In The Friend we have Coleridge's earliest expression of the distinction. (See Nos. 5 and 9.) Here the Understanding is distinguished as the experiential faculty from Reason, or the sciential faculty. All morality is grounded upon Reason, without which man is a Thing. Reason, again, is defined as the faculty of the supersensuous; Understanding as the faculty of the sensuous. Reason implies all that distinguishes man from the animals: the power of reflection, of comparison, of suspension of mind; whereas Understanding is but the same faculty as the instinct of animals, with the addition of self-consciousness. For Coleridge's subsequent elaboration of the distinction, see The Friend (1818), First Landing-Place,' Essay V; Aids to Reflection

(Bohn, XI, 135, 142, 143, 171); Statesman's Manual (1816), Appendix C; Letter to C. A. Tulk, Feb. 1821 (Letters, p. 712); the Essay on Faith, &c. In 1830 (T. T., May 30) he spoke of the distinction as the 'Gradus ad Philosophiam'. See, too, The Friend (1818), Sect. II, Essay II.

7. a work, which was printed rather than published. Coleridge refers to The Friend of 1809-1810, which was published at Penrith. The title-page ran thus 'THE FRIEND: a Literary, Moral, and Political Weekly Paper, excluding Personal and Party Politics and Events of the Day. Conducted by S. T. Coleridge of Grasmere, Westmoreland. Each number will contain a stamped Sheet of large Octavo, like the present; and will be delivered free of expense, by the Post, throughout the Kingdom, to Subscribers. The Price each Number One Shilling. Penrith : Printed and Published by J. Brown'. The ill-success of The Friend cannot be explained merely by the inconvenience of the subscriptionlist plan. The irregularity in publication, the slowness of transit between Grasmere and Penrith, and Coleridge's own apathy and dilatoriness, all contributed to its failure. And, apart from these external causes, the contents of The Friend were not calculated to appeal to a large circle of readers. Cp. A. P., p. 213 (1810), 'Thought and attention are very different things. I never expected the former from the readers of The Friend. I did expect the latter, and was disappointed.' The first number appeared on June 1, 1809; the last on March 15, 1810: only twenty-seven numbers were printed in all. (See Life, pp. 170-76; Letters, ch. 10.) For the business details of The Friend, as well as for Coleridge's objects in publishing it, Pt. III of the Letter from the Lake Poets to D. Stuart should be consulted.

33. One gentleman procured me nearly a hundred names. Cp. Memorials of Coleorton, ii. 97, &c., where in a letter to Lady Beaumont, written in January, 1810, Coleridge informs her that his 'hopes concerning The Friend are at dead low-water', and proceeds to set forth the causes of its ill-success. According to this letter, the 'gentleman' here alluded to was Mr. Clarkson; but his words are somewhat differently given, the allusion to 'objects of Charity' being ironically suggested by Coleridge himself.

PAGE 111 1. 20. On my list of subscribers. This story of the Earl of Cork is also told in the above letter, and to the same effect.

PAGE 114 1. 13. Toward the close of the first year. Coleridge left Cambridge about the middle of December, 1795. In the following December he undertook the conduct of The Watchman, the first number of which appeared in March, 1796.

16. I was persuaded by sundry Philanthropists, &c. It is probable that Coleridge was as much the persuader as the persuaded. The 'sundry Philanthropists and Anti-polemists' probably