nation, refused to send a Minister to the United States during the remainder of the Cleveland administration-a deprivation which this country bore with philosophical fortitude and equanimity.

The President's action in this matter, as we have said, was sustained by all classes and parties in this country. Whether the underlying purpose of the Murchison letter was to injure the Republican or the Democratic party, whether it was intended as a trap for the British Minister or was an honest seeking for information, all felt that an effort of a foreign Minister to give advice on a subject solely belonging to American interests, and calculated to affect the make-up of the American Government, was a gross breach of privilege, and had been dealt with in the only manner in which such an interference could be handled. As a campaign document the letter fell flat. American citizens did not ask to be instructed from England how to manage their government, or deposit their votes, and people and press alike sustained President Cleveland in his decisive action.

THE ELECTION CONTEST.

In the election campaign Cleveland took no active part. He was content that his record should speak for him. The people of the United States did not need to be told how he stood on the leading questions of the day, or what would be his policy if elected. They had had four years'

demonstration of that. He could safely rest upon his record as President, and let that speak for him. As the date of election drew near, it became evident that the contest would be a close one. The attention of both parties was directed to the doubtful States of New York, Connecticut, New Jersey, and Indiana, whither the speakers were sent, and strenuous efforts made to win votes. When the result was announced, it appeared that two of the States in question, New Jersey and Connecticut had gone for Cleveland; but Indiana, Harrison's own State, and New York, with its large electoral vote, had gone Republican. The result was that Harrison had received 233 electoral votes, and Cleveland 168, and that the office had once more fallen to a Republican President. Yet had the voice of the people decided the contest, Grover Cleveland would have filled the Presidential chair for the four succeeding years. The total popular vote was 5,538,233 for Cleveland, and 5,440,216 for Harrison, Cleveland thus having a majority of 98,017. This is not the first time that such a result has happened, and a Republican President been seated when his Democratic opponent was the actual choice of the people. It is a state of affairs that cannot well be obviated while the existing system of voting for electors continues, and one which strongly demands a change in our election laws, which will do away with this antiquated and roundabout system, one which in

truth never had any rational warrant for its existence.

The result of the election was duly announced, as by law provided, and Congress assembled for that purpose, received the record of the electoral vote, and notified the country that Benjamin Harrison had been duly elected President of the United States, in accordance with the requirements of the Constitution, for the ensuing four years. A minority of the people had ousted Cleveland from the seat which he had filled with such credit to himself and his party, and restored the Republican rule.

Τ'

CHAPTER XIX.

THE END OF THE CENTURY.

HE close of the Cleveland administration had a significance which calls for some consideration. It marked the close of

the first century of the constitutional existence of the United States. This century began with George Washington in the Presidential office; it ended with Grover Cleveland. The two men, while strikingly unlike in history and character, had this resemblance, that they were both undoubtedly honest in their administration of the public affairs, and both inspired by the highest sentiments of patriotism and of duty in the high office which had been entrusted to them. The century begun and ended with a worthy occupant of the Executive position.

The fact above alluded to, of the approaching end of the century, was taken advantage of by President Cleveland in his last annual message to Congress. He recalled the interesting fact to the attention of the members, and took the opportunity to address to them and to the country at large words of warning and advice which are well worth repeating. We therefore copy at

some length from the lessons of political wisdom and earnest appeal to American citizens and lawmakers which are embodied in the are embodied in the opening portions of this admirable document. It is dated December 3d, 1888, and begins as follows: "TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:

"As you assemble for the discharge of the duties you have assumed as the representatives of a free and generous people, your meeting is marked by an interesting and impressive incident. . With the expiration of the present session of the Congress, the first century of our constitutional existence as a nation will be completed.

"Our survival for one hundred years is not sufficient to assure us that we no longer have dangers to fear in the maintenance, with all its promised blessings, of a government founded upon the freedom of the people. The time rather admonishes us soberly to inquire whether in the past we have always closely kept in the path of safety, and whether we have before us a way plain and clear, which leads to happiness and perpetuity.

"When the experiment of our Government was undertaken, the chart adopted for our guidance was the Constitution. Departure from the lines there laid down is failure. It is only by a strict adherence to the direction they indicate, and by restraint within the limitations they fix, that we can furnish proof to the world of the